Situative Constructions and Partitivity in Finnic: Rodolfo Basile Analysis

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Rodolfo Basile
Situative
 
constructions and partitivity in Finnic
undefined
Situative
constructions and
partitivity in Finnic
Rodolfo Basile
University of Tartu, University of Turku
Main points
Theorization of 
situative 
constructions, a semantically non-
prototypical class of locational constructions
Overview of non-prototypical subjects in Finnic
What are lexical existentials?
Hypothesis: in Finnic, situative verbs may be considered
existential constructions 
par excellence 
(lexical existentials ‘in the
strict sense’) because they can be often replaced by the copula
Contributions
Basile, Rodolfo. Forthcoming. Situative constructions in European
languages. 
SLE2021 Book of Abstracts
.
Basile, Rodolfo. Forthcoming A. Situative strategies and
constructions in European languages.
Basile, Rodolfo. Forthcoming B. Two collostructional analysis
accounts of the Finnish Partitive E-NP construction
.
Basile, Rodolfo, and Ilmari Ivaska.
 Forthcoming (June 2021)
. Löytyä-
verbin konstruktioiden yhteydessä esiintyvä subjektivaihtelu.
Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics
.
Locational
predication
A spatial relation of a 
Figure 
located in/on a 
Ground  
or in motion
towards/from it (Creissels 2009)
Prototypical in European languages – Figure = theme; Ground =
rheme
Non-prototypical: existential constructions, inverse-locational
predication (Creissels 2014, 2019); presentational constructions
(Gast & Haas 2011)
Existential
constructions
Russian (East Slavic) – [Partee & Borschev 2008: 147 – adapted]
a.
 
Доктор
  
был
  
в
 
городе
 
Doktor
  
byl
  
v
 
gorode
 
doctor.
nom.m.sg
 
 
was.
m.sg
 
in 
 
town
 
‘The doctor was in town.’
b. 
 
В
 
городе
 
был
  
доктор
 
V
 
gorode
 
byl
  
doktor
 
in 
 
town 
 
was.
m.sg
 
doctor.
nom.m.sg
 
‘There was a doctor in town.’
Presentational
constructions
French – Romance [Creissels 2014]
Il
 
y
  
a
 
Jean
 
qui
 
veut
 
it
.expl
 
there.
expl
 
has
 
Jean
 
who
 
wants
te
 
parler 
to_you
 
talk
‘(*There is) Jean (who) wants to talk to you.’
Situatives
Semantically non-prototypical locational constructions 
They predicate where a referent 
situates itself 
(Basile, forthcoming
A)
Semantically complex predicate
Not a copula, but with a copula-like meaning on a construction
level
Morphologically marked (reflexive derivation)
Situatives
Italian (Romance) – pers.knowl.
Mi 
  
trov-avo
 
  
in
 
una
 
situazione
refl.1sg
 
find-
pst.ipfv.1sg
 
in
 
a.
fem
 
situation
orribile
horrible
‘I found (I was finding) myself in a horrible situation.’
L’Italia
  
si
 
trov-a
 
nel
 
Mediterraneo
the.Italy
 
refl.3
 
find-
3sg
 
in.the
 
Mediterranean.sea
‘Italy is situated in the Mediterranean.’
Situatives
Norwegian Bokmål (West Scandinavian) – [Glosbe]
Arten
  
finne-s
  
i
 
Myanmar
specie.
det
 
find-
mpas
 
 
in
 
M.
‘The specie is found in Myanmar.’
Polish (West Slavic) – [Glosbe - OpenSubtitles2018.v3]
Znajduje-my
 
się
 
na
 
wodach
 
Florydy
find-
1pl
  
refl
 
on
 
water.
loc
 
Florida.
gen
‘We are in Florida waters.’
Semantic
approach
Two semantic categories: FINDER and FOUND
FINDER – point of view over the situative, hypothetical agent
causing the (fictive) process that precedes the finding
FOUND – patient of the (fictive) process
Situatives
type I
German (West Germanic) – Glosbe
Der 
 
Bahnhof 
 
befindet
  
sich 
 
zwischen
 
diesen 
 
beiden
the
 
station
 
locate.
3sg
 
 
refl
 
between
 
these
 
two 
Städten 
 
cities
‘The station is located between these two cities.’
Situatives
type II
Modern Greek – [Glosbe - OpenSubtitles2018.v3]
Αγαπητή
 
μητέρα,
  
βρίσκομαι 
 
ανάμεσα  σε 
 
λύκους
agapití
 
mitéra,
  
vrísk-o-mai
 
anámesa se
 
líkous
dear.voc
 
mother.
voc
 
find-
1sg-mpas
 
between  to wolf.
acc.pl
‘Dear mother, I find myself among wolves.’
Coexpression
patterns
Reflexive markers are used in coexpression patterns
They can occur in different functions, usually:
-
reflexive
-
reciprocal
-
impersonal
-
other
Coexpression
patterns
Italian (Romance) – pers.knowl.
a.
 
Marco
 
si
 
lava
 
M.
 
refl
 
wash.
3sg
 
‘Marco washes himself.’
b.
 
Qua
 
si
 
mangia
 
bene
 
here
 
refl
 
eat.
3sg
 
well
 
‘Here one eats well.’
c.
 
Si
 
odiano
 
a
 
morte
 
refl
 
hate.
3pl
 
to
 
death
 
‘They hate each other to death.’
d.
 
Marco
 
si
 
mangia
 
un
 
gelato
 
M.
 
refl
 
eat.3
sg
 
a
 
ice.cream
 
‘Marco is eating/going to eat ice cream.’ (Medio-transitive, Masini 2012)
Situatives
type III
Spanish (Romance) - Glosbe
El
 
hotel
 
se
 
encuentra
 
en
 
una
 
zona
the
 
hotel
 
refl
 
find.
3sg
  
in
 
a
 
area
tranquila
calm
‘The hotel is located in a calm area.’
Situatives 
in
Finnic
Estonian (Finnic) – [etTenTen – Web 2019]
Metsa
 
all
 
leid-u-b
  
kukeseeni
  
ja
 
forest.
gen
 
under
 
find-
refl-3sg
 
chanterelle
.
par
.pl
 
and
metsamaasikaid
wild.strawberry.
par
.pl
‘There are chanterelles and wild strawberries on the forest floor.’
Finnish (Finnic) – (Basile & Ivaska, forthcoming)
Erojakin
   
toki
 
löyt-y-y
difference.
pl.
par.
encl
  
certainly
 
find-
refl-3sg
‘There are certainly differences, too.’
Situatives 
in
Finnic
Type I (external FINDER)
Usually only in 3. person
Both with concrete and abstract locations
Partitive
subjects in
Finnic
In Finnish and Estonian, a dedicated partitive grammatical case
can express many functions (Huumo 2010, Seržant 2021)
Partitives can alternate with the so-called 
totalitiivi
, a term which
includes total objects in genitive or nominative plural (syncretic
accusative, Seržant 2021), or nominative objects in constructions,
as well as prototypical subjects in nominative (Larjavaara 2019)
The subjecthood of partitives is debatable both semantically and
morphosyntactically speaking
Associated with existential constructions (Hakanen 1972; Huumo
& Lindström 2014)
e-NP (Huumo & Helasvuo 2015; see also Helasvuo 1996, Metslang
2014)
Lexical
existentials
Lexical existentials (Larjavaara 2019) are those (intransitive) verbs
that:
are different from copulas
can appear in a construction featuring an e-NP
predicate the existence of something, as well as what it is doing
Finnish
 
kadulla
  
juokse-e
 
koir-ia
 
street.
ade
 
run-
3
sg
 
dog-
pl.par
 
‘There are dogs running on the street’
Lexical
existentials 
in
the strict
sense
Basile (forthcoming B) compares the usage of ten different lexical
existentials with e-NPs in Finnish web corpora
Method: Collostructional analysis (Stefanowitsch & Gries 2003;
Gries & Stefanowitsch 2004; Gries 2019), based on Construction
grammar (Goldberg 1995)
Some turned out to be more strongly associated to existential
constructions than others: 
löytyä 
‘to be found’ was at the first
place (then 
mahtua 
‘to fit’, 
sataa 
‘to rain’, and 
riittää 
‘to suffice’) –
probably not a casual phenomenon!
These verbs (except for ‘to rain’) semantically often behave in a
way very close to the prototypical existential 
olla 
‘to be’, and can
hence be considered lexical 
existentials
 in the strict sense
ruoka-a
  
riitti 
  
food-
par
 
suffice.
pst.3sg
 
’There was (a lot of) food.’
Nom-Par
alternation
Finnish [Basile & Ivaska, forthcoming]
Tuotte-et/-ita
  
löytyy
  
myös
 
rannasta
product-
nom
.pl/
par
.pl
 
find.
refl.3sg
 
 also
 
beach.
ela
 
’Products are found also on the beach.’
The nominative case (prototypical subject) gives the predicate a more
prototypical reading -> does not work well with a copula *
tuotteet on
rannassa
The partitive case gives an existential reading – what happens if the word
order is flipped?
Rannasta
  
löytyy
  
myös
 
tuotteita
beach.
ela
 
 find.
refl.3sg
 
 also
 
 product.
par
.pl
Does it work better with a copula instead?
Tense
Missä
 
se
 
on?
 
Eiku
 
löyty(i)!
where
 
it.
nom 
 
is
 
 ?dm 
 
find.
imp.3sg
‘Where is it? Wait, found!’
Conclusions
In Finnic, 
situative 
constructions may feature partitive e-NPs
instead of canonical subjects
Situatives may overlap with existential constructions and situative
verbs can be considered lexical existentials ‘in the strict sense’
This overlapping corroborates the idea according to which
situatives express, on a clause-semantic level, the same meaning
as the copula ‘to be’ in prototypical locational constructions
The partitive e-NP in situative constructions helps ‘forgetting’ the
prototypical meaning of the predicate (‘to be found’)
References
Basile, Rodolfo. Forthcoming A. Situative strategies and constructions in European languages.
Basile, Rodolfo. Forthcoming B. Two collostructional analysis accounts of the Finnish Partitive E-NP
construction
.
Basile, Rodolfo, and Ilmari Ivaska. Löytyä-verbin konstruktioiden yhteydessä esiintyvä subjektivaihtelu.
Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics
.
Creissels, Denis. 2009. Spatial cases.
The Oxford handbook of case
, 609-625.
Creissels, Denis. 2014. Existential Predication in Typological Perspective. 
Ms., Université Lyon
.
Creissels, Denis.
 2019. Inverse-Locational Predication in Typological Perspective. 
Italian Journal of
Linguistics
 31 (2): 38 106.
Gast, Volker, and Florian Haas. 2011. 
On the distribution of subject properties in formulaic presentationals of
Germanic and Romance
 (pp. 127-166). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing.
Goldberg, Adele E. 1995. 
Constructions: A construction grammar approach to argument structure
.
University of Chicago Press.
Gries, Stefan Th.2019. 15 years of collostructions: some long overdue additions/corrections (to/of actually
all sorts of corpus-linguistics measures). 
International Journal of Corpus Linguistics
 24 (3): 385–412.
References
Gries, Stefan Th., and Anatol Stefanowitsch. 2004. Extending collostructional analysis: A corpus-based perspective on `alternations’. 
International
Journal of Corpus Linguistics
 9 (1): 97–129
Hakanen, Aimo. 1972. Normaalilause Ja Eksistentiaalilause. 
Sananjalka
 14 (1): 36–76. https://doi.org/10.30673/sja.86366.
Helasvuo, Marja-Liisa. 1996. Ollako Vai Eikö Olla-Eksistentiaalilauseen Subjektin Kohtalonkysymys. 
Virittäjä
 100 (3): 340–340.
Huumo, Tuomas. 2010. Nominal aspect, quantity, and time: The case of the Finnish object. Journal of Linguistics, 83-125.
Huumo, Tuomas, and Marja-Liisa Helasvuo. 2015. On the Subject of Subject in Finnish. 
Subjects in Constructions–Canonical and Non-Canonical
, 13–41.
Huumo, Tuomas, and Liina Lindström. 2014. Partitives across Constructions: On the Range of Uses of the Finnish and Estonian ‘Partitive Subjects
.
Partitive Cases and Related Categories
 54: 153.
Larjavaara, Matti. 2019. 
Partitiivin Valinta
. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura.
Masini, Francesca. 2012. Costruzioni Verbo-Pronominali ‘Intensive’ in Italiano. 
Language and the Brain–Semantics
.
Metslang, Helena. 2012. On the Case-Marking of Existential Subjects in Estonian. 
SKY Journal of Linguistics
 25: 151–204.
Partee, Barbara H., and Vladimir Borschev. 2008. Existential Sentences, BE, and the Genitive of Negation in Russian. 
Existence: Semantics and Syntax
,
147–90. Springer.
Seržant, Ilja A. 2021. Typology of partitives. 
Linguistics
.
Stefanowitsch, Anatol, and Stefan Th Gries. 2003. Collostructions: Investigating the interaction of words and constructions. 
International Journal of
Corpus Linguistics
 8 (2): 209–43.
undefined
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
THE STUDY HAS BEEN SUPPORTED BY “
MORPHOSYNTACTIC AND
PHONOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF FINNO-UGRIC LANGUAGES“ 
(MOBILITY
PROJECT NKM-66/2019 BETWEEN THE HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OF
SCIENCES AND THE ESTONIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES), THE
EUROPEAN REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT FUND
, AND THE 
FINNISH
NATIONAL AGENCY FOR EDUCATION
.
27
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Investigating situative constructions and partitivity in the Finnic languages, Rodolfo Basile explores non-prototypical locational constructions. Hypothesizing lexical existentials in Finnics as existential constructions, the study delves into unique subject variances. Basile's forthcoming works delve into situative strategies and collostructional analyses of Finnish partitive constructions, offering insights into spatial relations and locational predications in European languages.

  • Situative Constructions
  • Partitivity
  • Finnic Languages
  • Rodolfo Basile
  • Linguistic Analysis

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  1. Rodolfo Basile Situative constructions and partitivity in Finnic

  2. Situative constructions and partitivity in Finnic Rodolfo Basile University of Tartu, University of Turku

  3. Theorization of situative constructions, a semantically non- prototypical class of locational constructions Overview of non-prototypical subjects in Finnic Main points What are lexical existentials? Hypothesis: in Finnic, situative verbs may be considered existential constructions par excellence (lexical existentials in the strict sense ) because they can be often replaced by the copula

  4. Basile, Rodolfo. Forthcoming. Situative constructions in European languages.SLE2021 Book of Abstracts. Basile, constructionsinEuropeanlanguages. Rodolfo. Forthcoming A. Situative strategies and Basile, Rodolfo. Forthcoming B. Two collostructional analysis accountsofthe FinnishPartitiveE-NPconstruction. Contributions Basile, Rodolfo, and Ilmari Ivaska. Forthcoming (June 2021). L yty - verbin konstruktioiden yhteydess Journalof EstonianandFinno-UgricLinguistics. esiintyv subjektivaihtelu.

  5. A spatial relation of a Figure located in/on a Ground or in motion towards/from it (Creissels 2009) Locational predication Prototypical in European languages Figure = theme; Ground = rheme Non-prototypical: existential constructions, inverse-locational predication (Creissels 2014, 2019); presentational constructions (Gast & Haas 2011)

  6. Russian (East Slavic) [Partee & Borschev 2008: 147 adapted] a. Doktor byl v gorode doctor.NOM.M.SG was.M.SG in town Existential constructions The doctor was in town. b. V gorode byl doktor in town was.M.SG doctor.NOM.M.SG There was a doctor in town.

  7. French Romance [Creissels 2014] Il y a Jean qui veut Presentational constructions it.EXPL there.EXPL has Jean who wants parler te to_you talk (*There is) Jean (who) wants to talk to you.

  8. Semantically non-prototypical locational constructions They predicate where a referent situates itself (Basile, forthcoming A) Situatives Semantically complex predicate Not a copula, but with a copula-like meaning on a construction level Morphologically marked (reflexive derivation)

  9. Italian (Romance) pers.knowl. Mi trov-avo in una situazione REFL.1SG find-PST.IPFV.1SG in a.FEM situation orribile horrible Situatives I found (Iwas finding)myselfina horrible situation. L Italia si trov-a nel Mediterraneo the.Italy REFL.3 find-3SG in.the Mediterranean.sea Italyissituated inthe Mediterranean.

  10. Norwegian Bokml(WestScandinavian) [Glosbe] Arten finne-s i Myanmar specie.DET find-MPAS in M. Thespecie is foundinMyanmar. Situatives Polish(WestSlavic) [Glosbe-OpenSubtitles2018.v3] Znajduje-my si na wodach Florydy find-1PL on water.LOCFlorida.GEN REFL WeareinFlorida waters.

  11. Two semantic categories: FINDER and FOUND Semantic approach FINDER point of view over the situative, hypothetical agent causing the (fictive) process that precedes the finding FOUND patient of the (fictive) process

  12. German (West Germanic) Glosbe Der Bahnhof befindet sich zwischen diesen beiden the station locate.3SG between these two REFL Situatives type I St dten cities The station islocatedbetween these two cities.

  13. Modern Greek [Glosbe- OpenSubtitles2018.v3] , Situatives type II agapit mit ra, vr sk-o-mai an mesa se l kous dear.voc mother.VOC find-1SG-MPAS between to wolf.ACC.PL Dear mother, Ifindmyselfamong wolves.

  14. Reflexive markers are used in coexpression patterns They can occur in different functions, usually: Coexpression patterns - reflexive - reciprocal - impersonal - other

  15. Italian (Romance) pers.knowl. a. Marco si lava M. wash.3SG REFL Marco washes himself. b. Qua si mangia bene Coexpression patterns here eat.3SG well REFL Here one eats well. c. Si odiano a morte hate.3PL to death REFL They hate each other to death. d. Marco si mangia un gelato M. eat.3SG a ice.cream REFL Marco is eating/going to eat ice cream. (Medio-transitive, Masini 2012)

  16. Spanish(Romance) - Glosbe El hotel se encuentra en una zona the hotel find.3SG in a area REFL Situatives type III tranquila calm The hotel islocated ina calmarea.

  17. Estonian (Finnic) [etTenTen Web 2019] Metsa all leid-u-b kukeseeni ja forest.GEN under find-REFL-3SG chanterelle.PAR.PL and metsamaasikaid wild.strawberry.PAR.PL Situatives in Finnic There are chanterelles andwildstrawberries onthe forestfloor. Finnish (Finnic) (Basile & Ivaska,forthcoming) Erojakin toki l yt-y-y difference.PL.PAR.ENCL certainly find-REFL-3SG There are certainly differences, too.

  18. Type I (external FINDER) Situatives in Finnic Usually only in 3. person Both with concrete and abstract locations

  19. In Finnish and Estonian, a dedicated partitive grammatical case can express many functions (Huumo 2010, Ser ant 2021) Partitives can alternate with the so-called totalitiivi, a term which includes total objects in genitive or nominative plural (syncretic accusative, Ser ant 2021), or nominative objects in constructions, as well as prototypical subjects in nominative (Larjavaara 2019) Partitive subjects in Finnic The subjecthood of partitives is debatable both semantically and morphosyntactically speaking Associated with existential constructions (Hakanen 1972; Huumo & Lindstr m 2014) e-NP (Huumo & Helasvuo 2015; see also Helasvuo 1996, Metslang 2014)

  20. Lexical existentials (Larjavaara 2019) are those (intransitive) verbs that: are different from copulas can appear in a construction featuring an e-NP predicate the existence of something, as well as what it is doing Lexical existentials Finnish kadulla juokse-e koir-ia street.ADE run-3SG dog-PL.PAR There are dogs running on the street

  21. Basile (forthcoming B) compares the usage of ten different lexical existentials with e-NPs in Finnish web corpora Method: Collostructional analysis (Stefanowitsch & Gries 2003; Gries & Stefanowitsch 2004; Gries 2019), based on Construction grammar (Goldberg 1995) Some turned out to be more strongly associated to existential constructions than others: l yty to be found was at the first place (then mahtua to fit , sataa to rain , and riitt to suffice ) probably not a casual phenomenon! Lexical existentials in the strict sense These verbs (except for to rain ) semantically often behave in a way very close to the prototypical existential olla to be , and can hence be considered lexical existentialsin the strict sense ruoka-a riitti food-PAR suffice.PST.3SG There was (a lot of) food.

  22. Finnish [Basile & Ivaska, forthcoming] Tuotte-et/-ita l ytyy my s rannasta product-NOM.PL/PAR.PL find.REFL.3SG also beach.ELA Products are found also on the beach. Nom-Par alternation The nominative case (prototypical subject) gives the predicate a more prototypical reading -> does not work well with a copula *tuotteet on rannassa The partitive case gives an existential reading what happens if the word order is flipped? Rannasta l ytyy my s tuotteita beach.ELA find.REFL.3SG also product.PAR.PL Does it work better with a copula instead?

  23. Miss se on? Eiku l yty(i)! Tense where it.NOM is ?DM find.IMP.3SG Where is it? Wait, found!

  24. In Finnic, situative constructions may feature partitive e-NPs instead of canonical subjects Situatives may overlap with existential constructions and situative verbs can be considered lexical existentials in the strict sense Conclusions This overlapping corroborates the idea according to which situatives express, on a clause-semantic level, the same meaning as the copula to be in prototypical locational constructions The partitive e-NP in situative constructions helps forgetting the prototypical meaning of the predicate ( to be found )

  25. Basile, Rodolfo.Forthcoming A.Situativestrategies and constructions in European languages. Basile, Rodolfo. Forthcoming B. Two collostructional analysis accounts of the Finnish Partitive E-NP construction. Basile, Rodolfo, and Ilmari Ivaska. L yty -verbin konstruktioiden yhteydess esiintyv subjektivaihtelu. Journal of Estonianand Finno-Ugric Linguistics. Creissels, Denis. 2009. Spatialcases.TheOxford handbook of case,609-625. Creissels, Denis. 2014. ExistentialPredication in Typological Perspective. Ms., Universit Lyon. References Creissels, Denis. 2019. Inverse-Locational Predication in Typological Perspective. Italian Journal of Linguistics31 (2): 38 106. Gast,Volker, and Florian Haas. 2011. On thedistribution of subject properties in formulaic presentationals of Germanic and Romance (pp. 127-166). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing. Goldberg, Adele E. 1995. Constructions: A construction grammar approach to argument structure. Universityof Chicago Press. Gries, Stefan Th.2019. 15 years of collostructions: some long overdue additions/corrections (to/of actually all sorts ofcorpus-linguistics measures). International Journal of Corpus Linguistics24 (3): 385 412.

  26. Gries, Stefan Th., and Anatol Stefanowitsch. 2004. Extending collostructional analysis: A corpus-based perspective on `alternations. International JournalofCorpus Linguistics 9 (1): 97 129 Hakanen,Aimo. 1972. NormaalilauseJaEksistentiaalilause. Sananjalka14(1): 36 76. https://doi.org/10.30673/sja.86366. Helasvuo,Marja-Liisa.1996. Ollako VaiEik Olla-Eksistentiaalilauseen Subjektin Kohtalonkysymys. Viritt j 100(3): 340 340. Huumo,Tuomas.2010.Nominalaspect, quantity, andtime: Thecase oftheFinnish object. JournalofLinguistics, 83-125. Huumo,Tuomas,andMarja-LiisaHelasvuo.2015.On theSubject ofSubject in Finnish.SubjectsinConstructions CanonicalandNon-Canonical,13 41. Huumo, Tuomas, and Liina Lindstr m. 2014. Partitives across Constructions: On the Range of Uses of the Finnish and Estonian Partitive Subjects . PartitiveCases andRelatedCategories 54:153. References Larjavaara,Matti.2019. PartitiivinValinta.Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura. Masini,Francesca.2012. CostruzioniVerbo-Pronominali Intensive in Italiano.Language andtheBrain Semantics. Metslang,Helena. 2012.On theCase-MarkingofExistential Subjects in Estonian.SKYJournalofLinguistics 25: 151 204. Partee, Barbara H., and Vladimir Borschev. 2008. Existential Sentences, BE, and the Genitive of Negation in Russian. Existence: Semantics and Syntax, 147 90.Springer. Ser ant, Ilja A.2021. Typologyofpartitives. Linguistics. Stefanowitsch, Anatol, and Stefan Th Gries. 2003. Collostructions: Investigating the interaction of words and constructions. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 8(2): 209 43.

  27. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS THE STUDY HAS BEEN SUPPORTED BY MORPHOSYNTACTIC AND PHONOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF FINNO-UGRIC LANGUAGES (MOBILITY PROJECT NKM-66/2019 BETWEEN THE HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AND THE ESTONIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES), THE EUROPEAN REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT FUND, AND THE FINNISH NATIONAL AGENCY FOR EDUCATION. 27

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