Sexual Abuse of Minors by Catholic Priests
Module N – Situational and
Organizational Factors Affecting Sexual
Abuse, Types of Offenders, Grooming
Techniques, and Excuses, Justifications,
and Desistance from Abuse
Primarily for Dioceses
N-1
Understanding Sexual Abuse of
Minors by Catholic Priests:
Situational Factors
Organizational Factors
Types of Offenders, Grooming, and
Excuses, Justifications and
Desistance from Abuse
N-2
Main Sources of Data
Reports presented to the United States Conference of
Catholic Bishops by the John Jay College Research Team,
The City University of New York*
•
The Causes and Context of Sexual Abuse of Minors by
Catholic Priests in the United States
, 1950-2010, March,
2011
•
The Nature and Scope of Sexual Abuse of Minors by
Catholic Priests and Deacons in the United States, 1950-
2002
, February 2004
N-3
*
The two reports are based on data supplied by 97 percent of U.S.
archdioceses and dioceses on all clergy accused of sexual abuse of minors
Part I. Situational Factors:
Settings and Circumstances
of Sexual Abuse
N-4
Settings Where Victims First Met
Priests Who Abused Them
* % Based on
Nature and Scope
and victim survey of 7,142 boys and 1,762 girls.
N-5
A. Church/Parish Related
N-6
B. Teacher/School Related
N-7
C. Home of Victim or Relative of Victim
N-8
D. Other Institutions
E. Other
N-9
Physical Locations of Abuse
N-10
Note well: Clergy sexual abuse occurs in multiple settings
Most frequently it is in church-related locations
A wide range of residential contexts are used
Other public and private venues also are exploited
A. Church/Parish Related
N-11
B. Residences
N-12
C. Other Locations
N-13
Circumstances/Timing of Abuse
* Categories are not mutually exclusive, as victims may have experienced abuse in
more than one location.
N-14
A. Church/Parish Related
N-15
B. Social Event/Other Recreation
N-16
C. Other
N-17
Part II. Organizational Factors
Relating to Abuse
N-18
Priest’s Primary Duty or Role
at Time of Abuse
* Based on
Nature and Scope
victim surveys of 7,864 boys and 1,863 girls.
N-19
A. Pastoral/Parish Role
N-20
B. Other Clerical Role
N-21
C. School/Teaching Role
N-22
D. Other
N-23
Part III. Typologies of Abuse
N-24
A. The Fixated/Regressed Typology
The distinction between fixated and regressed
sexual offending exists on a continuum and is
not simply a dichotomous distinction
N-25
Two issues that differentiate the types:
The degree to which deviant sexual behavior is
entrenched
The basis of the psychological needs that lead to
abuse
Fixated Offenders: Definition
•
They have persistent, continual, and
compulsive attraction exclusively to children
from adolescence onward
•
They are usually diagnosed with pedophilia,
or recurrent, intense, sexually arousing
fantasies of at least six months in duration
involving prepubescent children
N-26
Regressed Offenders: Definition
•
They usually begin offending in adulthood
•
Their offenses stem from stressors in the
environment, which undermine self-esteem
and confidence, and from disordered
childhood relationships
•
They are not necessarily motivated by sexual
needs alone
N-27
B. FBI Typologies: Situational Offenders, 1
Regressed
Offenders have poor coping skills, target victims
who are
easily accessible, abuse children as a
substitute for adult relationships
Morally Indiscriminate
Offenders do not prefer children over adults and
tend to use children (or anyone accessible) for
their own interest (sexual and otherwise)
Sexually Indiscriminate
Offenders are mainly interested in sexual
experimentation, and abuse children out of
boredom
Inadequate
Offenders are social misfits who are insecure, have
low self-esteem, and see relationships with
children as their only sexual outlet
N-28
Type of Offender
Situational offenders
Characteristics of Offenders
FBI Typologies: Preferential Offenders, 2
Seductive
Offenders “court” children and give them
much affection, love, gifts, and enticements in
order to carry on a “relationship”
Fixated
Offenders have poor psychosexual
development, desire affection from children,
and are compulsively attracted to children
Sadistic
Offenders are aggressive, sexually excited by
violence, target stranger victims, and are
extremely dangerous
N-29
Type of Offender
Preferential offenders
Characteristics of Offenders
C. Personality Characteristics of
Clergy Offenders, 1
•
One review of literature maintained that clergy offenders
displayed shyness, loneliness, and passivity
•
MMPI scores illustrated the presence of depression,
authority concerns, and addiction problems
•
Rorschach results indicated greater affect constriction
than normal
•
Offending clergy exhibited the presence of over-
controlled hostility more than non-offending clergy
N-30
Several researchers have concluded that clergy offenders are
truly unique in comparison to offenders within the general
population.
Personality Characteristics of
Clergy Offenders, 2
One of the specific clergy studies found that offenders came
from backgrounds
•
Characterized by rigidity and dysfunction with themes of
abuse
•
Had little insight into these areas
•
Had insufficient training in the issue of transference/counter
transference
•
Had virtually no training or education concerning sexual
abuse, domestic violence, addictive disease, or healthy
professional boundaries, and
•
Failed to appreciate how their history of trauma affected
their professional life
N-31
Onset of Abuse, 3: Overcoming External
Factors that May Prevent Abuse from
Occurring
•
Abusers often create opportunities for the
abuse to take place, such as socializing and
building trust with the victim’s family
•
Abusers must overcome the child’s resistance
to the abuse, which is generally achieved
through grooming tactics such as verbal
and/or physical coercion, seduction, games,
and enticements
N-32
D. Grooming Behavior, 1
•
Examples of various tactics or methods used
to entice victims:
seduction or manipulation
verbal or physical intimidation
provision of “benefits” such as tickets to
sporting events, or taking them on trips,
money, or other gifts
building of personal and family relationships
Grooming
is a pre-meditated behavior intended
to manipulate a potential victim into complying
with sexual abuse
N-33
Grooming 2,
Seduction and Testing of a Child
•
This tactic is used when there is a relationship
with a child and the child is accustomed to
the affectionate expression of the offender
•
The offender gradually extends the
affectionate behavior, all the while “testing”
the child’s response; if no overt resistance is
observed, the sexual abuse continues
N-34
Groom
ing 3, Emotional Manipulation
and Verbal Coercion
•
These were the most common tactics used by
offenders to groom their victims. Examples:
-
Doing favors for the victim in exchange for sex
-
Emotionally blackmailing the victim into
compliance
-
Even though it may appear that there is room
for negotiation on the part of the victim, the
outcome always favors the offender
N-35
Grooming 4,
Catching the Victim by Surprise
•
The offender orchestrates a situation to distract
the victim or seizes the opportunity to abuse
when it occurs
•
A frequent situational opportunity arises when
potential victims become altar servers or
otherwise serve a role in the church
•
Seizing the opportunity is most common and is
usually the result of the offender’s frustration
from waiting for the right time to initiate contact
N-36
Grooming 5,
Using Verbal or Physical Force
•
The offender garners victim compliance
through use of force
•
The offender either commands the victim to
perform sexual acts and/or physically forces
the victim to engage in sexual acts
•
This factor is more common among the most
serious, repeat offenders
N-37
Grooming 6,
Disguising Sexual Advances
•
This tactic disguised sexual advances in the
context of playing a game. Example:
Offender will begin by tickling the victim
and gradually progress to fondling
•
While this approach may appear spontaneous,
it has been well planned by the offender, yet
orchestrated in a rather surreptitious manner
N-38
Grooming 7, Using Alcohol and Drugs
During the peak years of abuse, the use of alcohol
and drugs by abusive priests increased
significantly, but only for male victims
Why this finding is important:
•
The increase in the use of alcohol and drugs by the abuser is
consistent with the increase in the abuse of males
•
The increase in the abuse of males is consistent with the
increase in the abuse of minors by priests
•
The use of alcohol and/or drugs by the abuser is a feature
of the “situational” or “regressed” child abuser, but not of
the “fixated” abuser
N-39
Grooming 8, Building Relationships
with the Families of Victims
•
Family relationships were built to gain trust
•
Parents of abused children trusted the priests
without reservation
•
The children who were abused often accepted
the abuse and did not report it for many years
This lack of disclosure and concern about
reporting the abuse was one reason it was
able to persist
N-40
Grooming 9,
Effects of Grooming over Time
•
Grooming tactics are premeditated and more
methodically planned than spontaneous abuse
The offender is willing to wait months or
even possibly years to accomplish his task
Eventually the victim becomes groomed to
the point that engaging in sex with the
offender is more or less automatic
N-41
Part IV. Excuses for Behavior,
Justifications for Behavior,
and Desistance from Abuse
N-42
Excuses for Behavior, 1:
Denial of Responsibility
•
Accused priests denied responsibility by
making claims that
They were “not well” (using or addicted to
substances such as alcohol and/or drugs)
They were compelled by “sick” or “sinful”
impulses
•
Forces beyond their control allowed them to
deny full responsibility for their behavior,
similar to legal claims of diminished capacity
N-43
Excuses for Behavior, 2:
Denying the Victim
•
Accused priests denied the victim his or her
status by claiming that the victim
Participated by being seductive or precocious,
or
Did not fight back or say anything during the
abuse
•
Accused priests blamed the victim or the victim’s
family for setting up conditions that allowed the
abuse to occur by inviting him into their home,
engaging him socially, and including him as part
of the family
N-44
Excuses for Behavior, 3:
Denying the Victim
•
Accused priests explicitly blamed victims by
placing the onus of the initiation of the
physical intimacy on the accuser
Referred to the abuse as a “relationship”
Noted that the victims were “willing” or
“precocious”
Considered themselves the “victims”
because they were accused of these
indecent acts
N-45
Justifications for Behavior, 1
•
Accused priests justified their actions by
Diminishing the
wrongfulness
of the behavior
Deflecting the
harmfulness
of the actions
Placing the
responsibility
for the deviance on
others, sometimes actually condemning the
condemners or criticizing their accusers
Accused priests
downplayed what actually
occurred
or used positive language
surrounding the “relationship” between
themselves and the victim
N-46
Justifications, 2: Minimization of Harm
•
Viewed the sexual behavior as consensual, not
harmful, and any behavior short of intercourse as
not wrong because it was not sex
•
Insinuated that a single incident of sexual behavior
was not harmful; only repetitive acts caused harm
•
Implied that the harm should be forgotten because
of the time between the incident(s) and the
accusation
N-47
Many priest-abusers explained their actions as
being part of
“a relationship,” “not sex,”
or that it
“
happened only once,”
or
“occurred long ago”
Justifications, 3: Condemning the Condemners
This
behavior is a deflective technique
in which
priest-abusers blamed church leaders for the abuse
and/or the responses to the accusation
•
One way of shifting the blame to the church
hierarchy was to say how poorly church leaders
prepared seminarians for life in the priesthood
•
They also blamed church leaders for how
ineffectively they dealt with accusations of
abuse, which they considered reactive and
unforgiving
N-48
Justifications, 4: Condemning the Condemners
•
This view essentially eliminated the penance aspect
of reconciliation; some priests stated that public
embarrassment was sufficient penance
•
This attitude was particularly true for those who
participated in psychological treatments, but were
still removed, or served jail time
N-49
This form of justification draws on the culture of
forgiveness: accused priests noted that the Catholic
practice of reconciliation should outweigh the sins
and no one should take action against them in
response to allegations
Justifications, 5: Condemning the Condemners
They felt they were denied due process
•
They believed that if only their leaders had done
things differently in the past, this “crisis” would
have been avoided
•
In particular they felt they were poorly socialized to
the life of a priest
N-50
Some clergy accused of sexual abuse believed that the
2002
Charter for the Protection of Children and Young
People
created a negative attitude particularly because
of the zero-tolerance policy for those accused of abuse
Justifications, 6:
Inadequate Seminary Preparation
Accused priests indicated that had each man been
adequately trained to undertake priestly life, they
may have been able to make better choices, for
example
•
They may not have chosen to be ordained
•
They might have been better equipped to adjust
to the loneliness and realities of the life of
celibate chastity, though no priest said that the
vow of celibate chastity was the actual problem
N-51
Deviance Disavowal: Appealing to a
Higher Authority
•
Accused priests believed that a sin or infraction must
first be mended with a higher authority, that is, the
authority of God
•
Their particular focus was on relationship with God;
through the sacrament of reconciliation the slate
would have been wiped clean of sin
•
They may have sought forgiveness also from
parishioners and victims, or completed some distinct
punishment or treatment and therefore that should
be enough to end the process of condemnation
•
However, they failed to recognize any harm to the
victim
N-52
Desistance from Abuse, 1:
Why Abuse Stopped
•
A small percentage of priest-abusers stopped
because of
internal reasons
Feeling guilty about their behavior
Having a sense of remorse
Feeling shame because of their behavior
N-53
Desistance from abuse is affected by both
internal and external influences
Desistance from Abuse, 2:
Why Abuse Stopped
•
More commonly, abuse stopped because of
external reasons
being removed from the parishes and situations
in which they could abuse
•
Others stopped because of a
combination
of
internal and external reasons
they earned a disgraceful reputation because of
their behavior
they were “reformed” after treatment
N-54
Summary
•
Situational Factors Affecting Sexual Abuse - settings and
circumstances of sexual abuse
•
Organizational Factors - abusers primary duties and roles
•
Types of Offenders - fixated and regressed; situational and
preferential (FBI typologies)
•
Grooming Techniques - seduction, testing, manipulation,
coercion, surprise, force, and disguise
•
Excuses for Behavior - denial of responsibility, denying the victim
•
Justifications for Behavior - minimization of harm, condemning
the condemners, inadequate seminary preparation
•
Deviance Disavowal - appealing to a higher authority
•
Desistance from Abuse - why abuse stopped
N-55
Discussion Questions,
1
•
Taking into account the circumstances and timing
that were most common when abuse was
perpetrated, what instructions should be given to
those who are or soon will be serving in ministry?
•
Considering the settings and locations where abuse
took place, what precautions should priests and
other church leaders take about where they meet
young people?
•
What other safeguards should dioceses put in place
to deter abuse in and around parishes?
N-56
Discussion Questions,
2
•
What are the major differences between fixated and
regressed sexual offenders?
•
What differentiates situational from preferential
offenders?
•
How do clergy sex offenders differ from the general
population of sex offenders?
•
How can those responsible for the care of children
and young people be made more aware of the
characteristics of grooming behavior and how to
respond when it occurs?
N-57
Discussion Questions,
3
•
What are the essential ingredients of educational
programs that dioceses should have in place to help
prevent sexual abuse?
•
What are some of the relevant factors to be aware of
at the onset of abuse?
•
How do the excuses and justifications for sexual abuse
affect the persistence of the behavior?
•
What are some ways supervisors can more readily
detect abuse?
N-58
Link to USCCB –
http://www.usccb.org/issues-and-action/child-
and-youth-protection/charter.cfm
Prepared by:
Sister Katarina Schuth, O.S.F., St. Paul Seminary
School of Divinity, University of St. Thomas
Technical Associate: Catherine Slight
Consultants:
Dr. Karen Terry and Margaret Smith, John Jay
College of Criminal Justice, authors of major studies
on sexual abuse for the USCCB;
Dr. Mary Gautier, Center for Applied Research in the
Apostolate
N-59
This content delves into the situational and organizational factors affecting sexual abuse of minors by Catholic priests, exploring types of offenders, grooming techniques, excuses, justifications, and desistance from abuse. It presents data from reports by the John Jay College Research Team and the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, shedding light on settings and circumstances where victims first encountered offenders, such as in church-related environments, schools, and victims' homes.
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Presentation Transcript
Module N Situational and Organizational Factors Affecting Sexual Abuse, Types of Offenders, Grooming Techniques, and Excuses, Justifications, and Desistance from Abuse Primarily for Dioceses N-1
Understanding Sexual Abuse of Minors by Catholic Priests: Situational Factors Organizational Factors Types of Offenders, Grooming, and Excuses, Justifications and Desistance from Abuse N-2
Main Sources of Data Reports presented to the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops by the John Jay College Research Team, The City University of New York* The Causes and Context of Sexual Abuse of Minors by Catholic Priests in the United States, 1950-2010, March, 2011 The Nature and Scope of Sexual Abuse of Minors by Catholic Priests and Deacons in the United States, 1950- 2002, February 2004 * The two reports are based on data supplied by 97 percent of U.S. archdioceses and dioceses on all clergy accused of sexual abuse of minors N-3
Part I. Situational Factors: Settings and Circumstances of Sexual Abuse N-4
Settings Where Victims First Met Priests Who Abused Them Location of First Meeting % Male Victims % Female Victims A. Church/Parish Related 64.8 58.9 B. School/Teacher 15.1 13.6 C. Home of Victim or Relative of Victim 4.9 14.2 D. Other Institutions 7.8 7.3 E. Other 7.1 6.2 Total 99.7 100.2 * % Based on Nature and Scope and victim survey of 7,142 boys and 1,762 girls. N-5
A. Church/Parish Related Location of First Meeting % Male Victims % Female Victims At Mass 33.8 27.1 At an Altar Service/In the Rectory 12.3 10.7 In the Parish 17.5 19.9 Home of Cleric 0.8 0.7 Choir 0.4 0.5 Total 64.8 58.9 N-6
B. Teacher/School Related Location of First Meeting % Male Victims % Female Victims Teacher (up to grade 6) 0.7 1.3 Teacher (grades 7-8) 0.9 1.4 Teacher (grades 9-12) 8.4 4.9 Sunday/Parish School 0.8 0.9 Other School 2.4 4.9 Seminary Faculty/Administrator 1.9 0.2 Total 15.1 13.6 N-7
C. Home of Victim or Relative of Victim Location of First Meeting % Male Victims % Female Victims Home of Victim/Social Function with Victim s Family 4.5 12.7 Cleric is Relative 0.4 1.5 Total 4.9 14.2 N-8
D. Other Institutions Location of First Meeting % Male Victims % Female Victims Boys Club/Youth Recreation 4.9 5.6 Work in Hospital 0.8 0.7 In Jail/Prison/Youth Offender Residence 1.2 0.1 Orphanage 0.9 0.9 Total 7.8 7.3 E. Other Location % Male Victims % Female Victims Other 7.1 6.2 N-9
Physical Locations of Abuse Location of Abuse % Male Victims % Female Victims A. Church/Parish Related 65.8 62.7 B. Residences 59.0 47.0 C. Other Locations 30.5 25.4 Note well: Clergy sexual abuse occurs in multiple settings Most frequently it is in church-related locations A wide range of residential contexts are used Other public and private venues also are exploited N-10
A. Church/Parish Related Locations of Abuse % Male Victims % Female Victims Cleric s Home/Parish Residence 36.3 30.7 In Church 14.2 12.9 In School 8.2 11.4 Cleric s Office 6.2 7.6 Congregate Residence 0.6 0.1 Total 65.8 62.7 N-11
B. Residences Location of Abuse % Male Victims % Female Victims In Victim s Home 10.9 10.4 Vacation House 9.9 5.0 In Other Residences (Friends, Family) 1.0 0.8 21.8 16.2 (Following residences also included in A above.) Cleric s Home/Parish Residence 36.6 30.7 Congregate Residence 0.6 0.1 Total 59.0 47.0 N-12
C. Other Locations Location of Abuse % Male Victims % Female Victims In a Car 8.5 8.4 In a Hotel 7.0 3.6 On Outings Camp, Park, Pool 7.8 5.7 Retreat House 1.2 1.5 In the Hospital 0.7 0.7 Other 5.3 5.5 Total 30.5 25.4 N-13
Circumstances/Timing of Abuse Circumstances/Timing % Male Victims % Female Victims A. Church/Parish Related 27.1 27.8 B. Social Event/Other Recreation 42.2 40.8 C. Other 14.4 16.2 Total 83.7 84.8 * Categories are not mutually exclusive, as victims may have experienced abuse in more than one location. N-14
A. Church/Parish Related Circumstances/Timing % Male Victims % Female Victims Visiting/Working at Cleric s Home/Rectory 13.2 13.1 Church Service (Before, During, After) 8.0 3.4 School Hours 4.2 8.2 During Reconciliation 1.3 2.8 Church Service, Training 0.4 0.3 Total 27.1 27.8 N-15
B. Social Event/Other Recreation Circumstances/Timing % Male Victims % Female Victims During Social Event 17.8 21.9 During Travel 14.0 7.2 Cleric Visited Home of Victim 2.9 7.4 During Sporting Event 4.5 2.5 Outings 3.0 1.8 42.2 40.8 N-16
C. Other Circumstances/Timing % Male Victims % Female Victims During Counseling 6.3 7.1 Hospital Visit 0.1 0.2 During a Retreat 0.8 1.4 Other 7.2 7.5 14.4 16.2 N-17
Part II. Organizational Factors Relating to Abuse N-18
Priests Primary Duty or Role at Time of Abuse Duty or Role % Male Victims % Female Victims A. Pastoral/Parish Related 77.2 80.2 B. Other Clerical Role 6.7 5.6 C. School/Teaching Role 8.7 5.6 D. Other 7.4 8.6 Total 100.0 100.0 * Based on Nature and Scope victim surveys of 7,864 boys and 1,863 girls. N-19
A. Pastoral/Parish Role Duty or Role % Male Victims % Female Victims Associate Pastor 42.2 42.1 Pastor 25.0 26.0 Resident Priest 8.8 10.9 Saying Mass 1.2 1.2 Total 77.2 80.2 N-20
B. Other Clerical Role Duty or Role % Male Victims % Female Victims Bishop, Vicar, Chancellor, Cardinal 0.4 0.2 Seminarian/Seminary Administration/Faculty 1.9 1.4 School/Institutional Administrator 1.0 1.7 Chaplain 2.8 2.1 Worked in Hospital 0.6 0.2 Total 6.7 5.6 N-21
C. School/Teaching Role Duty or Role % Male Victims % Female Victims Teacher (up to grade 6) 0.2 0.1 Teacher (grades 7-8) 0.3 0.4 Teacher (grades 9-12) 7.2 4.2 Guidance Counselor 0.9 0.6 Catechism Teacher 0.1 0.3 Total 8.7 5.6 N-22
D. Other Duty or Role % Male Victims % Female Victims Boys Club/Recreation 1.6 1.2 Cleric is Relative 0.3 1.0 Other 5.5 6.4 Total 7.4 8.6 N-23
A. The Fixated/Regressed Typology The distinction between fixated and regressed sexual offending exists on a continuum and is not simply a dichotomous distinction Two issues that differentiate the types: The degree to which deviant sexual behavior is entrenched The basis of the psychological needs that lead to abuse N-25
Fixated Offenders: Definition They have persistent, continual, and compulsive attraction exclusively to children from adolescence onward They are usually diagnosed with pedophilia, or recurrent, intense, sexually arousing fantasies of at least six months in duration involving prepubescent children N-26
Regressed Offenders: Definition They usually begin offending in adulthood Their offenses stem from stressors in the environment, which undermine self-esteem and confidence, and from disordered childhood relationships They are not necessarily motivated by sexual needs alone N-27
B. FBI Typologies: Situational Offenders, 1 Type of Offender Situational offenders Characteristics of Offenders Regressed Offenders have poor coping skills, target victims who are easily accessible, abuse children as a substitute for adult relationships Morally Indiscriminate Offenders do not prefer children over adults and tend to use children (or anyone accessible) for their own interest (sexual and otherwise) Sexually Indiscriminate Offenders are mainly interested in sexual experimentation, and abuse children out of boredom Inadequate Offenders are social misfits who are insecure, have low self-esteem, and see relationships with children as their only sexual outlet N-28
FBI Typologies: Preferential Offenders, 2 Type of Offender Preferential offenders Characteristics of Offenders Seductive much affection, love, gifts, and enticements in order to carry on a relationship Offenders court children and give them Fixated development, desire affection from children, and are compulsively attracted to children Offenders have poor psychosexual Sadistic violence, target stranger victims, and are extremely dangerous Offenders are aggressive, sexually excited by N-29
C. Personality Characteristics of Clergy Offenders, 1 Several researchers have concluded that clergy offenders are truly unique in comparison to offenders within the general population. One review of literature maintained that clergy offenders displayed shyness, loneliness, and passivity MMPI scores illustrated the presence of depression, authority concerns, and addiction problems Rorschach results indicated greater affect constriction than normal Offending clergy exhibited the presence of over- controlled hostility more than non-offending clergy N-30
Personality Characteristics of Clergy Offenders, 2 One of the specific clergy studies found that offenders came from backgrounds Characterized by rigidity and dysfunction with themes of abuse Had little insight into these areas Had insufficient training in the issue of transference/counter transference Had virtually no training or education concerning sexual abuse, domestic violence, addictive disease, or healthy professional boundaries, and Failed to appreciate how their history of trauma affected their professional life N-31
Onset of Abuse, 3: Overcoming External Factors that May Prevent Abuse from Occurring Abusers often create opportunities for the abuse to take place, such as socializing and building trust with the victim s family Abusers must overcome the child s resistance to the abuse, which is generally achieved through grooming tactics such as verbal and/or physical coercion, seduction, games, and enticements N-32
D. Grooming Behavior, 1 Grooming is a pre-meditated behavior intended to manipulate a potential victim into complying with sexual abuse Examples of various tactics or methods used to entice victims: seduction or manipulation verbal or physical intimidation provision of benefits such as tickets to sporting events, or taking them on trips, money, or other gifts building of personal and family relationships N-33
Grooming 2, Seduction and Testing of a Child This tactic is used when there is a relationship with a child and the child is accustomed to the affectionate expression of the offender The offender gradually extends the affectionate behavior, all the while testing the child s response; if no overt resistance is observed, the sexual abuse continues N-34
Grooming 3, Emotional Manipulation and Verbal Coercion These were the most common tactics used by offenders to groom their victims. Examples: - Doing favors for the victim in exchange for sex - Emotionally blackmailing the victim into compliance - Even though it may appear that there is room for negotiation on the part of the victim, the outcome always favors the offender N-35
Grooming 4, Catching the Victim by Surprise The offender orchestrates a situation to distract the victim or seizes the opportunity to abuse when it occurs A frequent situational opportunity arises when potential victims become altar servers or otherwise serve a role in the church Seizing the opportunity is most common and is usually the result of the offender s frustration from waiting for the right time to initiate contact N-36
Grooming 5, Using Verbal or Physical Force The offender garners victim compliance through use of force The offender either commands the victim to perform sexual acts and/or physically forces the victim to engage in sexual acts This factor is more common among the most serious, repeat offenders N-37
Grooming 6, Disguising Sexual Advances This tactic disguised sexual advances in the context of playing a game. Example: Offender will begin by tickling the victim and gradually progress to fondling While this approach may appear spontaneous, it has been well planned by the offender, yet orchestrated in a rather surreptitious manner N-38
Grooming 7, Using Alcohol and Drugs During the peak years of abuse, the use of alcohol and drugs by abusive priests increased significantly, but only for male victims Why this finding is important: The increase in the use of alcohol and drugs by the abuser is consistent with the increase in the abuse of males The increase in the abuse of males is consistent with the increase in the abuse of minors by priests The use of alcohol and/or drugs by the abuser is a feature of the situational or regressed child abuser, but not of the fixated abuser N-39
Grooming 8, Building Relationships with the Families of Victims Family relationships were built to gain trust Parents of abused children trusted the priests without reservation The children who were abused often accepted the abuse and did not report it for many years This lack of disclosure and concern about reporting the abuse was one reason it was able to persist N-40
Grooming 9, Effects of Grooming over Time Grooming tactics are premeditated and more methodically planned than spontaneous abuse The offender is willing to wait months or even possibly years to accomplish his task Eventually the victim becomes groomed to the point that engaging in sex with the offender is more or less automatic N-41
Part IV. Excuses for Behavior, Justifications for Behavior, and Desistance from Abuse N-42
Excuses for Behavior, 1: Denial of Responsibility Accused priests denied responsibility by making claims that They were not well (using or addicted to substances such as alcohol and/or drugs) They were compelled by sick or sinful impulses Forces beyond their control allowed them to deny full responsibility for their behavior, similar to legal claims of diminished capacity N-43
Excuses for Behavior, 2: Denying the Victim Accused priests denied the victim his or her status by claiming that the victim Participated by being seductive or precocious, or Did not fight back or say anything during the abuse Accused priests blamed the victim or the victim s family for setting up conditions that allowed the abuse to occur by inviting him into their home, engaging him socially, and including him as part of the family N-44
Excuses for Behavior, 3: Denying the Victim Accused priests explicitly blamed victims by placing the onus of the initiation of the physical intimacy on the accuser Referred to the abuse as a relationship Noted that the victims were willing or precocious Considered themselves the victims because they were accused of these indecent acts N-45
Justifications for Behavior, 1 Accused priests justified their actions by Diminishing the wrongfulness of the behavior Deflecting the harmfulness of the actions Placing the responsibility for the deviance on others, sometimes actually condemning the condemners or criticizing their accusers Accused priests downplayed what actually occurred or used positive language surrounding the relationship between themselves and the victim N-46
Justifications, 2: Minimization of Harm Many priest-abusers explained their actions as being part of a relationship, not sex, or that it happened only once, or occurred long ago Viewed the sexual behavior as consensual, not harmful, and any behavior short of intercourse as not wrong because it was not sex Insinuated that a single incident of sexual behavior was not harmful; only repetitive acts caused harm Implied that the harm should be forgotten because of the time between the incident(s) and the accusation N-47
Justifications, 3: Condemning the Condemners This behavior is a deflective technique in which priest-abusers blamed church leaders for the abuse and/or the responses to the accusation One way of shifting the blame to the church hierarchy was to say how poorly church leaders prepared seminarians for life in the priesthood They also blamed church leaders for how ineffectively they dealt with accusations of abuse, which they considered reactive and unforgiving N-48
Justifications, 4: Condemning the Condemners This form of justification draws on the culture of forgiveness: accused priests noted that the Catholic practice of reconciliation should outweigh the sins and no one should take action against them in response to allegations This view essentially eliminated the penance aspect of reconciliation; some priests stated that public embarrassment was sufficient penance This attitude was particularly true for those who participated in psychological treatments, but were still removed, or served jail time N-49
Justifications, 5: Condemning the Condemners Some clergy accused of sexual abuse believed that the 2002 Charter for the Protection of Children and Young People created a negative attitude particularly because of the zero-tolerance policy for those accused of abuse They felt they were denied due process They believed that if only their leaders had done things differently in the past, this crisis would have been avoided In particular they felt they were poorly socialized to the life of a priest N-50
