Explore the linguistic features of Evidentiality in Deedmongol and discover the past tense forms and evidentiality distinctions in Middle Mongol language. Delve into the contemporary Mongolic languages and the internal structure of Oirat, shedding light on the historical and geographical context of these languages.
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Middle Mongol past tense forms neutral feminin -bA -lUA -jUU -san plural -bA-i -lUA-i factual past direct past indirect past perfect -bi -lii -jiAi > -jii -jUU-i
Middle Mongol evidentiality: direct past -lUGA vs. indirect past -JUGU vs. factual past -bA (1) Mo qol-un ceri- d Saari Keer-i b te-tele bawu-lua. '[Naiman scouts reporting to Naiman-Khan:]' The Mongol troops have set up camp so as to cover the {whole} Sa ari Steppe.' (SH 193, de Rachewiltz 2004: 116) (2) Mo qolma i g c -tey-e ire-j bidan-u (...) ceri- d-i daru-ju b rel-tele kidu-juu-i. Itegel- t Cabciyal-i ber buli-ju ab-cuu-i. '[Report of the Jin chancellor to Jin emperor:] {Apparently} the Mongols came in great strength and killed and utterly destroyed our ( ) troops. {it seem} they have even taken Chabchiyal Pass that we were relying on.' (SH 248, Street 2009: 142) (3) H el n eke ter g bos-bi. Tem jin-tE-n k -d terle-n g bos-uad mori-d-iyan bari-ju Tem jin niken mori unu-ba. H el n eke niken mori unu-ba. '[Author of SH to his readers:] Mother H el n rose in haste. After the sons including Tem jin had also got up, {they} grabbed their horses and Tem jin mounted one horse. H el n mounted one horse.' (SH 99, adapted from Street 2008: 407)
Presupposed internal structure of Oirat (cf. Rakos 2015) Kalmyk Oirat Ysyk-K l Oirat Xinjiang Oirat Xinjiang, China Altai Oirat Deedmongol Alasha Imin ld Kalmykia, Russia Kyrgyzstan three dialects, isolated from other Mongolic varieties a few villagers / extinct several dialects several dialects dialectology unknown two dialects New Bargu Buryat with a few remnant Oirat features (Zigmundova et al. 2019: 27) most research available limited research available Western Mongolia Qinghai/Gansu, China Inner Mongolia, China Hulunbuir, IM, China
Materials for Deedmongol Media: influence of barimjiya abiya Oral literature: mostly just in standardized Mongolian script Secenm ngke s corpus of yabu an liger (recordings & mong ul bicig)? Linguistic materials Oyunnasun 2009 Rakos 2015 Bagatur 2016 > Brosig&Zoljargal unp. BBZ Haixi Brosig et al. unpublished Haixi Henan only transcripts only recordings 3.5 hours rec. & transc. 51 hours rec., 3 transc., 6 hours selected for transc. Haixi Historical materials Cing ulus-un dotu adu narin bicig- n yamun-u Mong ul dangsa ebkemel- n emkidkel (Cimeddorji et al. 2003, Gantulga unpublished) Dayicing g r n- dotu adu yamun-u mong ul bicig- n ger- n dangsa (Buyandelger, & Oyunbilig, Can id et al. 2010, ojmaa et al. 2017)
Henan Oirat (Balogh 2017): past tense forms (1) (2) (3) kiilik- n aa-ji laa. I washed my shirt woroo or-jiku. It rained / It was raining. woroo or-ji . It has rained / It has been raining (speaker s own action) (directly witnessed) (not witnessed)
Amdo Tibetan (Sun 1993: 956-7): previous perception (4) I(abs) deer-hunt(dat) 'I went deer-hunting.' xabda s o =n . go-PART [own action] (5) dord e xabda s o =t . 'Rdo-rje went deer-hunting.' dord e xabda s o =z g. 'Rdo-rje went deer-hunting.' [direct: visual evidence] (6) [indirect: inference, hearsay]
Henan Oirat (Balogh 2017): past tense forms (1) (2) (3) kiilik- n aa-ji laa. I washed my shirt woroo or-jiku. It rained / It was raining. woroo or-ji . It has rained / It has been raining - - . (speaker s own action) (directly witnessed) (not witnessed)
Henan Oirat (Balogh 2017): past tense forms (1) (2) (3) kiilik- n aa-ji -laa. I washed my shirt woroo or-jiku. It rained / It was raining. woroo or-ji - . It has rained / It has been raining - - . (speaker s own action) (directly witnessed) (not witnessed)
Henan Oirat (Balogh 2017): past tense forms (1) (2) (3) kiilik- n aa-ji -laa. I washed my shirt woroo or-ji[ ]-[w]u. <? or-ciqa-wa It rained / It was raining. woroo or-ji - . It has rained / It has been raining - - . (speaker s own action) (directly witnessed) (not witnessed)
Henan Oirat (Balogh 2017): present tense forms (7) (8) (9) w kiilik- n aa-jii. I am washing my shirt ter kiilik- n aa-j n. He is washing his shirt. nar aa-jip. The sun is setting. (speaker s own action) (non-speaker actor) (uncontrolled action)
Amdo Tibetan (Sun 1993: 973&977, 976, 950): imperfective situations; non-control situations would be marked by = k (10) t t nt o = k drink=prog aux jod. now I(erg) tea 'I am drinking tea now.' (11) t k u t nt o = k jod= k . 'He is drinking tea now (I just found out).' (12) t a i=k t Bkra-shis=erg ['Bkra-shis buys a horse (as if a generic statement).'] u=n horse buy(com[plete])=part re. cop
Amdo Tibetan (Sun 1993: 973&977, 976, 978): immediate vs. previous perception (also inference possible) (11) t k u t nt o = k jod= k . tea drink=prog aux now he(erg) 'He is drinking tea now (I just found out).' (13) t a i=k Bkra-shis=erg 'Bkra-shis is now making momos (I saw him do so just now).' t now momo mumu li= kod=t . make=prog.aux=dir.ev
Henan Oirat (Balogh 2017): present tense forms (7) w kiilik- n aa-jii. I am washing my shirt . ter kiilik- n aa-j n. He is washing his shirt. . nar aa-jip. The sun is setting. ? (speaker s own action) (8) (non-speaker actor) (9) (uncontrolled action)
Oyunceceg. 2009. Deged mongul aman ayalun-u sudulul [A study of the Deedmongol dialect], cited as OY OY conventional Inner Mongolian-style dialect grammar morphological structuring, e.g. treating finite verbal forms and finitely used participles in different sections describes morphological, but not functional systems no contrastive analysis of individual suffixes from paradigms no precise frequency data (though occasionally general assessments) no input from modern linguistic theory, including relevant Chinese sources highly imprecise and incomplete semantic descriptions written by a native speaker semantic values ascribed to sentences should be rather reliable (though potentially trouble with distinguishing morphemic and contextual meaning)
Past tense system: -l as an example -l ,-l ,-l ,-l -l ,-l -l ,-l (Oyunceceg 2009: 155) The suffix -l ,-l ,-l ,-l : This suffix is used a lot in the Deedmongol dialect. It correlates with the suffix l-a of the written language. -l ,-l is used in back-vocalic words, -l ,-l in front-vocalic words. It expresses the meaning that the event is already past or is about to arise in the future. In the sentence, it forms finite predicates. info partially redundant accompanied by examples, but none associated with individual claims not distinguished as a past form from other past tense forms
Past tense system: -l as an example What could we EXPECT for a suffix like la in Central Mongolic or Oirat? direct sensory, usually visual perception of the event, including events committed by the speaker herself (Goto 2009 on Kalmyk, cf. Street 2009 on Middle Mongol, Binnick 1979 and many subsequent publications on Khalkha) restriction to immediate perception and very specific and restricted use in questions (Brosig 2018 on Khalkha), similar to Amdo Tibetan = k future-referring uses (in Khalkha [e.g. Brosig 2018], and exclusively in Kharchin [C od ob t r 2007, cf. Ashimura 2002], but not in Middle Mongol [Street 2009] and apparently not in Kalmyk [Bl sing 1984: 94-95]) control probably doesn t play a role
Past tense system: -l as an example (10) m l t cattle now give_birth-PRF.CVB finish-DIR.PST The cattle have now finished given birth. (11) en t il m n- this year 1PL-GEN This year our class met up in Delkhii. (12) t i ts y ylter 2SG yesterday Where did you go yesterday? t ll- p r-l . g telik -t class PLACE-DAT ts gl -l . assemble-DIR.PST where j w -l ? go-DIR.PST
Past tense system: -l as an example (10) m l t cattle now give_birth-PRF.CVB finish-DIR.PST The cattle have now finished given birth. (11) en t il m n- this year 1PL-GEN This year our class met up in Delkhii. (12) t i ts y ylter 2SG yesterday Where did you go yesterday? t ll- p r-l . In many example sentences: speaker likely witness (10) or participant (11). g telik -t class PLACE-DAT ts gl -l . assemble-DIR.PST where j w -l ? go-DIR.PST Often used for questions about the addressee (12), no restrictions similar to Khalkha here. No transparently future-referring examples, though e.g (10) might conceivably fulfill such a function in a suitable context.
Further past tense markers: -te etc. (13) m rin horse The horse has left, now will it be found or not? (14) s n m m l- n NAME cattle-RPOSS water-FUT.PTCP-INS go-INDIR.PST Sonum went to water his cattle. (15) j! lt r n INTERJ dark.brown dog Hey! SUBJECT allowed the brown dog to get loose, I shall tie it! j w -t e , go-INDIR.PST t now l-t - = find-PASS-FUT.PTCP=PLR.Q g ? [OY: past] EX.NEG [BB: inference] s l- - r j w -tt . [OY: speaker just finds out] [BB: inference] alt- l-t it , lose-CAUS-INDIR.PST bind-VOL j-ij! [OY: action is fully completed] [BB: inference; loss of control]
Further past tense markers: -w, -san used in constituent clauses > used in lining up sentences (16) gts only t now Our only girl went away as the daughter-in-law of a family, now only the two of us remain. k y k en l-i n girl m n- j- l- n 1PL-GEN two-COLL-DIM remain-PST peri-t daughter_in_law-DAT ylty-w . j p-p, go-PST neutral past? family-GEN somebody ( ) is pleased (sedkil qanumjitai) exclamative? Overall few examples in OY that contain -w (17) t int in n t- s t yry n NAME 1SG-ABL ahead Chinchin (has) left ahead of me. j w -s=i m. go-PST.PTCP=ASS past all example sentences contain
Past system of Haixi Oirat based on OY and what is plausible based on other dialects Direct past -l vs. indirect past -tt . Unclear whether -tt is only for inference or also for hearsay -tt < *[elided suffix + od-jai]INDIR.PST has replaced the more common direct past -t e < -jai < Middle Mongol -jiAi Neutral past -w possibly marginalized for exclamatives (cf. a similar situation in Khalkha) Former apparent Middle Mongol perfect -san (cf. Brosig 2014) only usable in some perhaps modal or interactional contexts with Sentence-Final Particles. two-partite past evidential system without neutral element?
Present tense system Present forms: -na, -tak, -t n, -t i . -na ongoing present & certain future -t i ongoing present & certain future -t n present -tak (in another section) habitual -na for potential developments (Khalkha, Brosig 2015) or general future-potential- habitual (Khorchin, cf. Brosig 2014b). Labeling it ongoing present (as in Late Middle Mongol) is unexpected. But OY illustrates this with (which in Khalkha next to does express ongoing present with -na) or the archaic . If these are the only verbs with ongoing-present uses, then Deedmongol -na is mostly not a present form at all. -t n as simple present highly unlikely, an outsider might thus translate imperfect , vs. progressive -na. Examples with -t n and -t i both progressive (with regular verbs), thus compare!
Present tense system: progressives (18) mal-t cattle-DAT The children who went to the cattle are coming (returning) jokingly. (19) pi ent yk yr s -t n. 1SG here cow milk-PROG.PRES I am milking the cows here. j w -sen go-PRF.PTCP child-PL-PL joke-PRF.CVB come-PRS.PROG k y k e-s-y s g -a ir-t i . speaker probably witness speaker as participant If pragmatically unspectacular and representative uses, this might be the very opposite of Henan Deedmongol (where participatory -t i vs. rest -t n).
Past and progressive forms in Bagatur 2016 as revised by Brosig & Zoljargal unpublished plain regular stem quotative verb k - completive quot.v. & compl. k -t ik - -t ik - direct past indirect past -l -t ~ -t e -s n + PCL -s n -w -t -t i -t ~ -t i -t -n 119 241 41 184 25 105 11 15 12 51 235 13 6 4 past 16 51 2 1 15 5 1 5 present progressive 163 34 3
Different shapes of the indirect past (20) s= n water=3POSS x xn r Blue_Lake do_so-CVB form-INDIR.PST The water stood still, then a lake formed and the Blue Lake came into being in this way. ts gs- =ts form-CVB=AD.FOC ik-e t eg-e t do_so- CVB lake form-CVB t gt -t . (Bagatur et al. 2016) n r t gt - (21) en p lt m t p s + TOP now also n , n ... + vegetable vegetable Now, has he also + grabbed / is he also + grabbing a piece of vegetable in his hand? Vegetable, vegetable + he has grabbed something like this. r-t= hand-DAT=RPOSS one part t i m=i n p r-t ik-sen. such=thing grab-COMPL-PRF? nek k esek n p r-t i grab-INDIR.PST? MP w ? this vegetable (Brosig et al. unpublished)
Conclusions Henan Deedmongol (Balogh 2017): Amdo Tibetan-style system participant vs. other, in past subdivided into direct vs. indirect, but details unclear Etymologically & functionally unclear: -jip( uncontrolled, naturally occuring action ) Haixi Deedmongol: Mongolic-style system with regional features OY: -tt < V[-CVB] odu-jai went there V-ing would resemble Amdo Tibetan -t went past [V-ing] (Zemp 2017: 622), though inferential rather than visual/sensory. OY: Apparent two-part-system (without -w/-san) would resemble Southern Mongolic. BBZ: There might be neutral -san. OY: Evidential values of -la vs. -tt (BBZ: -t e ) are participatory INCLUDING visual vs. inference (BBZ: including hearsay). Although -la usually participatory (BBZ, not OY), contrasting indirect marker very rare with witnessed evens. Present progressive distinction semantically unclear in OY, and in BBZ the potential number of possible -t i -progressives is very low
