Exploring French H-Aspir, Glottal Stop, and Production Planning Domains

 
Tobias Scheer
Université Côte d'Azur, CNRS
 
F
r
e
n
c
h
 
H
 
a
s
p
i
r
é
,
 
g
l
o
t
t
a
l
 
s
t
o
p
a
n
d
 
p
r
o
d
u
c
t
i
o
n
 
p
l
a
n
n
i
n
g
 
d
o
m
a
i
n
s
 
Réseau Français de Phonologie
 
Porto
 
7-9 juin 2022
undefined
h aspiré
2
r
e
g
u
l
a
r
 
V
-
i
n
i
t
i
a
l
H
-
i
n
i
t
i
a
l
petit [t] [a]rbre
   
petit *[t] [ɛ]tre (hêtre)
H blocks liaison
 
Cornulier (1981)
 
H is volatile: variation
diachronic 
      
le haricot > l'haricot
frequent words tend to lose it 
 
l'handicapé (people involved in handisport)
inter-individual
     
same word has H for some, but not for other speakers
intra-individual
     
same word used with or without H by the same speaker
 
"many people who are supposed to know and obey the norm seem to toss a coin every
time, but, when interviewed, have sharp and definitive judgements following what the
grammarians say." Cornulier (1981: 203)
H blocks elision
/le arbre/ > l'arbre
  
le hêtre
undefined
h aspiré-generated glottal stop
3
Dell (1973a: 186, 262 note 85),
Tranel (1981: 311), Pagliano
(2003: 635), Côté (2008: 66)
H may generate a glottal stop to its left
ʔ is optional
 
what's to the left of 
ʔ
unclear
C+H: only the context after consonants is mentioned, e.g. 
 
mille hiboux
 
Mentioned in passing:
Dell (1973a: 186, 262
note 85), Encrevé (1988:
198ff)
Mentioned only after C:
Côté (2008: 66),
Pagliano (2003: 635-
637)
 
V+H: Encrevé (1988: 198) mentions cases after V, 
   
le ʔ hibou
 
only explicit statement that C+H is more conductive for the appearence of a
ʔ than V+H:
 
"[a] glottal stop may occur before an h-aspiré word, in particular when it is
preceded by a consonant-final word." Tranel (1981: 310)
 
*V 
ʔ H
joli *ʔ hêtre
   
Encrevé & Scheer (2005)
joli *ʔ hibou
   
Côté (2008: 91)
undefined
 
h aspiré-generated glottal stop
 
4
 
Dubois, Jean 1965. Grammaire
Structurale du Français. Paris:
Larousse. p.33
 
ʔ after unpronounced LC (liaison consonants)
anecdotally noted in descriptions
authors take these cases to be especially noteworthy since they
are unexpected.
 
des […ɛʔe…] héros
 
Léon, Pierre R. 1971. Essais de
phonostylistique. Paris: Didier.
p.75
 
nous avons […
õ
ʔa…] assumé
 
public speech by de Gaulle in 1958 in Alger
 
reading task experiment, eight speakers, three items tested
sept Hongrois, tout Hongrois, une hausse
goal: study the variability of H (not H-generated glottal stop)
C+H 
 
(sept Hongrois): 
 
8 / 8 
 
occurrences of 
ʔ
LC+H 
 
(
tout Hongrois): 
  
5 / 8
 
occurrences of 
ʔ
V+H
  
no data
 
Gabriel, Christoph & Trudel Meisenburg
2009. Silent onsets? An optimality-theoretic
approach to French h aspiré words.
Variation and Gradience in Phonetics and
Phonology, edited by Frank Kügler,
Caroline Féry & Ruben van de Vijver, 163-
184. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
undefined
h aspiré-generated glottal stop
5
t
a
k
e
-
h
o
m
e
 
we don't know
which left context favours / disfavours H-generated glottal stop
whether glottal stops also appear with regular V-initial words
   
sept enfants
 
two loci of variation
H
 
(variable)
ʔ
 
(optional)
 
v
a
r
i
a
t
i
o
n
 
+
 
v
a
r
i
a
t
i
o
n
 
=
 
g
r
a
d
i
e
n
c
e
measuring the occurrence of ʔ will deliver a continuum
there are multiple factors at play that will be difficult to disentangle:
presence / absence of H
free variation of ʔ
left context
no empirical study exists on H-generated glottal stop
undefined
 
p
r
o
d
u
c
t
i
o
n
 
e
x
p
e
r
i
m
e
n
t
undefined
experimental design
7
 
experiment type
H nouns 
  
12 nouns
 
25 participants
  
1800 trials
            
(12x25x6 stim groups)
design
speakers pronounce a sequence of words displayed on a screen
the audio is recorded and evaluated by a trained linguist for the presence or absence of a
glottal stop: auditory evaluation + wave form
 
H verbs
  
12 verbs
 
42 participants
  
3024 trials
            
(12x42x6 stim groups)
 
high lexical frequency items (well, "high": H-words are typically infrequent)
 
héros, hasard, hall d'entrée,
hangar, homard, harcèlement,
hors-la-loi, hareng, harem,
hérisson, hoquet, hameau,
Hollandais, Hongrois, hold-up
 
haïr, hurler, hanter, harceler,
heurter, hacher, hocher,
hausser, huer, harponner,
hâter, hisser
undefined
 
experimental design
 
8
 
s
t
i
m
u
l
i
 
g
r
o
u
p
s
undefined
 
experimental design
 
9
 
pre-test
probing inter-individual variation of H, i.e. whether the H words really have an H for the speaker.
 
s
t
i
m
u
l
u
s
f
o
r
c
e
d
 
c
h
o
i
c
e
 
noun:
 
homard
    
le homard
    
l'homard
    
both ok
    
don't know the word
verb:
 
hocher
    
je hoche
     
j'hoche
     
both ok
     
don't know the word
undefined
experimental design
10
experiment-induced biases favouring high register, normative production
written stimuli
"exam" situation
 
instructions
this is not an exam, there is no right or wrong pronunciation
please speak as naturally as possible, like when you are at home
 
of course, many speakers
ignored that or were unable to conform
had an over-normative pronunciation
   
tu hurles [z] à l'injustice
 
hacked words: overlong, unnatural pauses
 
un sacré hublot
            
un vrai hangar
 
i
n
s
t
i
t
s
I call them instits (instituteurs) and they are removed from the study.
undefined
 
R
e
s
u
l
t
s
 
#
1
 
h
 
a
s
p
i
r
é
undefined
variation regarding h aspiré
12
c
o
n
f
i
r
m
a
t
i
o
n
 
o
f
 
t
h
e
 
v
a
r
i
a
t
i
o
n
 
m
e
n
t
i
o
n
e
d
 
i
n
 
t
h
e
 
l
i
t
e
r
a
t
u
r
e
lexical variation
 
nb of Ps chose je /j' /both
 
inter-speaker variation
 
nb of verbs chosen with je /j' / both
pre-test (verbs,42 participants)
 
intra-speaker variation
 
pre-test is not reliable:
  
pre-test
   
pronunciation
      
P13
  
je hisse
   
vous [z] hissez la voile
      
P65
  
j'hâte
   
nous 
[z]
 hâtons l'échéance
recall Cornulier
(1981): they toss
a coin on each
speech act.
undefined
liaison
13
o
b
l
i
g
a
t
o
r
y
 
l
i
a
i
s
o
n
 
in noun experiment
obligatory liaison (according to the literature)
within the DP
DET + noun
    
des *
[z]
 enfants
  
DET
Adj. + noun
    
petit *
[t]
 enfant
  
Adj.
 
250/
250
 
un grand [
d
] évier (P25)
 
un gros [
z
] enjeu (P23)
 
136/
246
A
d
j
.
 
+
 
N
D
E
T
 
+
 
N
undefined
liaison
14
o
b
l
i
g
a
t
o
r
y
 
l
i
a
i
s
o
n
 
noun + verb experiment
obligatory liaison (according to the literature)
within the DP
D
E
T
 
+
 
N
A
d
j
.
 
+
 
N
P
R
O
 
+
 
V
 
504/
504
 
136/
246
 
250/
250
DET + noun
        
des *
[z]
 enfants
  
DET
Adj. + noun
        
petit *
[t]
 enfant
  
Adj.
 
personal pronoun + verb
      
nous *
[z]
 aimons
 
PRO
undefined
 
liaison
 
15
 
       
liaison
   
no liaison
       
[X Y]
   
[[X] Y]
 
always in the same  
  
[DET+N]
  
    
d
o
m
a
i
n
:
[
P
R
O
+
V
]
 
 
 
 
 
f
u
n
c
t
i
o
n
 
w
o
r
d
s
 
v
s
.
 
c
o
n
t
e
n
t
 
w
o
r
d
s
 
function words
  
DET, PRO
 
content words
  
Adj. 
   
variation: either
    
[Adj.+N]
 
 
or 
 
[[Adj.] N]
 
t
h
e
 
v
a
r
i
a
t
i
o
n
 
o
b
s
e
r
v
e
d
 
m
u
s
t
 
b
e
 
d
u
e
 
t
o
 
t
h
e
 
s
y
n
t
a
c
t
i
c
 
l
a
b
e
l
undefined
 
R
e
s
u
l
t
s
 
#
2
 
H
-
g
e
n
e
r
a
t
e
d
 
g
l
o
t
t
a
l
 
s
t
o
p
undefined
 
H-induced glottal stop
 
17
 
i
n
 
w
h
a
t
 
f
o
l
l
o
w
s
,
 
o
n
l
y
 
d
a
t
a
 
f
r
o
m
 
t
h
e
 
v
e
r
b
 
e
x
p
e
r
i
m
e
n
t
 
a
r
e
 
r
e
p
o
r
t
e
d
 
in order to eliminate the additional factor due to function vs. content words,
 
PRO + V makes sure that only phonological factors are at play.
undefined
H-induced glottal stop
18
    
occurr.
   
taux %
   
 khi2
V + V
 
tu aimes le cinéma
  
23 / 476
 
 
 
  4,8
   
V + H
 
tu haches le persil
  
164 / 485
  
33,8
C + V
 
il aime les fraises
  
7 / 503
   
  1,4
C + H
 
il hait les examens 
  
235 / 489
  
48,1
  
 
s
h
o
w
i
n
g
 
t
h
a
t
ʔ occurs
in all left environments, including after V (literature is unclear about that)
but more often when followed by H
 
i
n
t
u
i
t
i
o
n
-
b
a
s
e
d
 
l
i
t
e
r
a
t
u
r
e
 
c
o
n
f
i
r
m
e
d
yes H generates glottal stops
undefined
H-induced glottal stop
19
 
i
n
t
u
i
t
i
o
n
-
b
a
s
e
d
 
l
i
t
e
r
a
t
u
r
e
 
c
o
n
f
i
r
m
e
d
yes the phenomenon is sensitive to the strong position
i.e. more glottal stops occur after consonants (C+H) than after
vowels (V+H)
S
t
r
o
n
g
 
P
o
s
i
t
i
o
n
 
S
t
r
o
n
g
 
P
o
s
i
t
i
o
n
{C,#}__
 
= 
 
word-initial and post-coda
we just saw that the internal Strong Position C__ favours H-generated 
ʔ
initial Strong Position #__ : 
 
elle hache l'oignon
  
75% glottal stop rate
these ʔ are not H-created
where do they come from?
undefined
 
I
n
t
e
r
p
r
e
t
a
t
i
o
n
undefined
H-independent glottal stops
21
ʔ
 
i
n
s
e
r
t
i
o
n
:
f
a
c
t
o
r
s
 
i
d
e
n
t
i
f
i
e
d
 
where do the 
ʔ's come from in absence of these factors?
when there is no H
   
C + V
 
1,4%
when there is no C__
   
V + V 
 
4,8%
utterance-initially
    
##__
 
75%
 
q
u
e
s
t
i
o
n
undefined
H-independent glottal stops
22
they are generated by the left edge of a domain.
a
n
s
w
e
r
 
domain-initiality is a third factor in 
ʔ-creation
 
which kind of domain?
surely not morpho-syntactic domains (cycles, phases):
the morpho-syntactic relation between the items involved does not vary.
undefined
domains
23
syllabic island
term coined by B. Tranel, based on a long tradition in the analysis of H
H sets itself apart from the preceding word and refuses intercourse
H-words = block syllabification with the preceding word (lexical marking)
not morpho-syntactic in kind: morph-synt. has no clue what an H is.
Morin (1974: 87f),
Schane (1978),
Cornulier (1978,
1981), Tranel
(1992, 1995)
 
production planning domains
production planning windows define the stretch of the linear string for
which production is prepared in one go
 
Wagner (2012),
Tamminga
(2018), Kilbourn-
Ceron (2017) and
Wagner et al.
(2020)
 
they are variable across speakers, individual speech acts, etc.
 
a number of factors bear on their creation, including
morpho-syntactic information
semantics (Selkirk's 1984 sense unit)
surprise (incongruent meaning causes a boundary)
word length and word frequency
attention / distraction of the speaker
undefined
 
domains
 
24
 
e
f
f
e
c
t
 
o
f
 
p
r
o
d
u
c
t
i
o
n
 
p
l
a
n
n
i
n
g
 
V + V
 
tu attends
 
planned into one domain
  
[tu attends]
  
attends not domain-initial
  
no ʔ
 
planned into two domains
 
[tu]
 
[attends]
 
[attends] is domain-initial
  
ʔ
undefined
interleaving loci of variation
25
ʔ
 
i
s
 
a
l
w
a
y
s
 
a
n
 
e
f
f
e
c
t
 
o
f
 
t
h
e
 
S
t
r
o
n
g
 
P
o
s
i
t
i
o
n
domain originates in
H
regular production
planning: V + V
both words in the same domain?
 
and recall the two additional
loci of variation that need to be
counted in:
H (variable)
ʔ (optional)
 
thus even domain-initially you
will never get 100% of 
ʔ: its
insertion is optional.
undefined
 
R
e
s
u
l
t
s
 
#
3
 
C
L
 
+
 
H
 
=
 
C
 
+
 
H
 
C
L
 
a
r
e
 
c
o
u
n
t
e
d
 
e
v
e
n
 
w
h
e
n
u
n
p
r
o
n
o
u
n
c
e
d
undefined
CL + H
27
recall:
V + H
 
tu haches
 
weak position 
 
V__V
C + H
 
il hache
  
Strong Position
 
C__
  
significantly higher 
ʔ rate
 
w
i
l
l
 
L
C
 
+
 
H
 
s
i
d
e
 
w
i
t
h
 
V
 
+
 
H
 
o
r
 
C
 
+
 
H
?
LC + H
   
nous […ua…] hachons 
  
phonetically 
 
V__V
 
     
nous /…za…/ hachons
  
lexically 
  
C__
undefined
CL + H
28
L
C
 
+
 
H
 
i
s
 
l
i
k
e
 
C
 
+
 
H
,
b
o
t
h
 
a
r
e
 
u
n
l
i
k
e
 
V
 
+
 
H
 
H
-
g
e
n
e
r
a
t
e
d
 
ʔ
 
i
n
s
e
r
t
i
o
n
 
i
s
 
s
e
n
s
i
t
i
v
e
 
t
o
 
a
n
y
 
p
r
e
c
e
d
i
n
g
 
c
o
n
s
o
n
a
n
t
,
p
r
o
n
o
u
n
c
e
d
 
o
r
 
n
o
t
undefined
 
CL + H
 
29
 
s
a
m
e
 
i
n
 
b
o
x
 
p
l
o
t
 
scale: proportion of
responses with and without
glottal stop
proportion = for each speaker,
nb of trials with ʔ minus nb of
trials without ʔ (total nb of
trials = 12)
thus scale +12 to -12.
 
**
 
***
 
non-significant
undefined
CL + H
30
phonology takes into account
unpronounced LCs just as pronounced Cs
both create a Strong Position
 
upon phonological computation,
the unpronounced LC is thus present
 
the only possible source is the lexical form
of word 1
 
because in epenthesis-based analyses, LC
insertion only occurs to break hiatus.
before H, it does not occur (the hiatus is said
to be legitimate in this context)
 
Côté, Marie-Hélène 2005. Le statut lexical des
consonnes de liaison. Langages 158: 66-
78.
Côté, Marie-Hélène 2008. Empty elements in
schwa, liaison and h aspiré: the French
Holy Trinity revisited. Sounds of Silence:
Empty Elements in Syntax and Phonology,
edited by Jutta Hartmann, Veronika
Hegedüs & Henk van Riemsdijk, 61-103.
Amsterdam: Elsevier.
 
this is evidence
for 
the presence of LCs at the right edge of words (where they are spelt),
even when they are not pronounced (floating consonants in the regular
autosegmental analysis)
incompatible with epenthesis-based analyses which deny the existence of
unpronounced LCs.
undefined
 
C
o
n
c
l
u
s
i
o
n
undefined
conclusion
32
t
w
o
 
t
y
p
e
s
 
o
f
 
d
o
m
a
i
n
s
,
 
o
r
i
g
i
n
a
t
i
n
g
 
i
n
morpho-syntax (cycles phases)
production planning
 
phonological computation
of course cannot distinguish them
reacts on any domain
 
h
i
e
r
a
r
c
h
y
morpho-syntax defines domains
which may then be further subdivided by production planning
   
V + [ʔV], H syll. island
 
but in some cases production planning has no word to say
   
PRO+V = 100% liaison
 
p
r
o
c
e
s
s
-
s
p
e
c
i
f
i
c
i
t
y
morpho-syntactic domains are process-specific
 
Engl.: l-draking is
bound by the word,
t-flapping is not
 
so are production planning domains. Within the same morpho-
syntactic domain PRO+V
further domains may be created that lead to ʔ insertion
but not ones that disrupt liaison
 
while in others it may create additional domains
      
Adj. + N (liaison)
undefined
 
t
h
a
t
'
s
 
a
l
l
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The research delves into the variability of the French "h aspir" phenomenon, which includes the presence of glottal stops and its impact on production planning. It discusses cases of both H-aspir-generated glottal stops and glottal stops occurring after unpronounced liaison consonants. The study sheds light on the diachronic variations observed in frequent words experiencing the loss of the H sound. Additionally, it touches upon individual and inter-speaker variability in the pronunciation of words containing the aspirated H. Furthermore, it highlights the absence of empirical studies on H-generated glottal stops and the uncertainties regarding the contexts favoring or disfavoring their occurrence.


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  1. French H aspir, glottal stop and production planning domains R seau Fran ais de Phonologie Porto 7-9 juin 2022 Tobias Scheer Universit C te d'Azur, CNRS

  2. h aspir regular V-initial petit [t] [a]rbre H-initial petit *[t] [ ]tre (h tre) H blocks liaison H blocks elision /le arbre/ > l'arbre le h tre Cornulier (1981) H is volatile: variation diachronic frequent words tend to lose it inter-individual intra-individual le haricot > l'haricot l'handicap (people involved in handisport) same word has H for some, but not for other speakers same word used with or without H by the same speaker "many people who are supposed to know and obey the norm seem to toss a coin every time, but, when interviewed, have sharp and definitive judgements following what the grammarians say." Cornulier (1981: 203) 2

  3. h aspir-generated glottal stop Dell (1973a: 186, 262 note 85), Tranel (1981: 311), Pagliano (2003: 635), C t (2008: 66) H may generate a glottal stop to its left is optional what's to the left of unclear C+H: only the context after consonants is mentioned, e.g. Mentioned in passing: Dell (1973a: 186, 262 note 85), Encrev (1988: 198ff) mille hiboux V+H: Encrev (1988: 198) mentions cases after V, le hibou only explicit statement that C+H is more conductive for the appearence of a than V+H: "[a] glottal stop may occur before an h-aspir word, in particular when it is preceded by a consonant-final word." Tranel (1981: 310) Mentioned only after C: C t (2008: 66), Pagliano (2003: 635- 637) *V H joli * h tre joli * hibou Encrev & Scheer (2005) C t (2008: 91) 3

  4. h aspir-generated glottal stop after unpronounced LC (liaison consonants) anecdotally noted in descriptions authors take these cases to be especially noteworthy since they are unexpected. Dubois, Jean 1965. Grammaire Structurale du Fran ais. Paris: Larousse. p.33 des [ e ] h ros L on, Pierre R. 1971. Essais de phonostylistique. Paris: Didier. p.75 nous avons [ a ] assum public speech by de Gaulle in 1958 in Alger reading task experiment, eight speakers, three items tested sept Hongrois, tout Hongrois, une hausse goal: study the variability of H (not H-generated glottal stop) C+H (sept Hongrois): LC+H (tout Hongrois): V+H no data Gabriel, Christoph & Trudel Meisenburg 2009. Silent onsets? An optimality-theoretic approach to French h aspir words. Variation and Gradience in Phonetics and Phonology, edited by Frank K gler, Caroline F ry & Ruben van de Vijver, 163- 184. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 8 / 8 5 / 8 occurrences of occurrences of 4

  5. h aspir-generated glottal stop take-home no empirical study exists on H-generated glottal stop we don't know which left context favours / disfavours H-generated glottal stop whether glottal stops also appear with regular V-initial words sept enfants two loci of variation H (variable) (optional) variation + variation = gradience measuring the occurrence of will deliver a continuum there are multiple factors at play that will be difficult to disentangle: presence / absence of H free variation of left context 5

  6. production experiment

  7. experimental design design speakers pronounce a sequence of words displayed on a screen the audio is recorded and evaluated by a trained linguist for the presence or absence of a glottal stop: auditory evaluation + wave form h ros, hasard, hall d'entr e, hangar, homard, harc lement, hors-la-loi, hareng, harem, h risson, hoquet, hameau, Hollandais, Hongrois, hold-up experiment type H nouns 12 nouns 25 participants 1800 trials (12x25x6 stim groups) H verbs 12 verbs 42 participants 3024 trials (12x42x6 stim groups) ha r, hurler, hanter, harceler, heurter, hacher, hocher, hausser, huer, harponner, h ter, hisser high lexical frequency items (well, "high": H-words are typically infrequent) 7

  8. experimental design nouns un un un un un un X+H CL+H C+H V+H CL+V C+V V+V gros jeune homard joli grand vier sale joli homard homard X+V stimuli groups endroit endroit verbs nous il tu nous il tu X+H CL+H C+H V+H CL+V C+V V+V hochons hoche hoches aimons aime aimes la t te les paules la t te le foot les fraises le cin ma X+V 8

  9. experimental design pre-test probing inter-individual variation of H, i.e. whether the H words really have an H for the speaker. noun: homard stimulus forced choice le homard l'homard both ok don't know the word verb: hocher je hoche j'hoche both ok don't know the word 9

  10. experimental design experiment-induced biases favouring high register, normative production written stimuli "exam" situation instructions this is not an exam, there is no right or wrong pronunciation please speak as naturally as possible, like when you are at home of course, many speakers ignored that or were unable to conform had an over-normative pronunciation tu hurles [z] l'injustice hacked words: overlong, unnatural pauses un sacr hublot un vrai hangar instits I call them instits (instituteurs) and they are removed from the study. 10

  11. Results #1 h aspir

  12. variation regarding h aspir confirmation of the variation mentioned in the literature pre-test (verbs,42 participants) je 3 39 j' 29 0 both ok 10 3 lexical variation nb of Ps chose je /j' /both harceler ha r other verbs anywhere in between inter-speaker variation nb of verbs chosen with je /j' / both je 1 12 anywhere in between j' 10 0 both ok 1 0 P65 P75 other Ps intra-speaker variation pre-test is not reliable: pre-test je hisse j'h te pronunciation vous [z] hissez la voile nous [z] h tons l' ch ance recall Cornulier (1981): they toss a coin on each speech act. P13 P65 12

  13. liaison obligatory liaison obligatory liaison (according to the literature) within the DP DET + noun Adj. + noun des *[z] enfants petit *[t] enfant DET Adj. in noun experiment taux de liaison 100.0% un grand [d] vier (P25) 100.0% 80.0% un gros [z] enjeu (P23) 55.0% 60.0% 250/ 250 40.0% 136/ 246 20.0% 0.0% Adj. + N DET+N Adj.+N DET + N 13

  14. liaison obligatory liaison obligatory liaison (according to the literature) within the DP DET + noun Adj. + noun personal pronoun + verb des *[z] enfants petit *[t] enfant nous *[z] aimons DET Adj. PRO noun + verb experiment taux de liaison 100.0% 100% 100.0% 80.0% 55.0% 60.0% 504/ 504 250/ 250 40.0% 136/ 246 20.0% 0.0% DET+N Adj.+N PRO+V PRO + V DET + N Adj. + N 14

  15. liaison liaison [X Y] no liaison [[X] Y] function words vs. content words always in the same domain: [DET+N] [PRO+V] function words DET, PRO content words Adj. variation: either [Adj.+N] or [[Adj.] N] the variation observed must be due to the syntactic label 15

  16. Results #2 H-generated glottal stop

  17. H-induced glottal stop in order to eliminate the additional factor due to function vs. content words, in what follows, only data from the verb experiment are reported PRO + V makes sure that only phonological factors are at play. 17

  18. H-induced glottal stop rate 60.0% occurr. 23 / 476 164 / 485 taux % 4,8 33,8 khi2 40.0% V + V V + H tu aimes le cin ma tu haches le persil *** 20.0% 0.0% V + V V + H rate 60.0% C + V C + H il aime les fraises il hait les examens 7 / 503 235 / 489 1,4 48,1 40.0% *** 20.0% 0.0% C + V C + H showing that occurs in all left environments, including after V (literature is unclear about that) but more often when followed by H intuition-based literature confirmed yes H generates glottal stops 18

  19. H-induced glottal stop Strong Position occurr. 164 / 485 235 / 489 taux % 33,8 48,1 anova F = 12,37 p = 0,00108 V + H C + H tu haches le persil il hait les examens ** rate 60.0% intuition-based literature confirmed yes the phenomenon is sensitive to the strong position i.e. more glottal stops occur after consonants (C+H) than after vowels (V+H) 40.0% 20.0% 0.0% V + H C + H Strong Position {C,#}__ = we just saw that the internal Strong Position C__ favours H-generated initial Strong Position #__ : elle hache l'oignon these are not H-created where do they come from? word-initial and post-coda 75% glottal stop rate 19

  20. Interpretation

  21. H-independent glottal stops insertion: factors identified 1. 2. right context left context H Strong Position C__ favour insertion question where do the 's come from in absence of these factors? when there is no H when there is no C__ utterance-initially C + V 1,4% V + V 4,8% ##__ 75% 21

  22. H-independent glottal stops answer they are generated by the left edge of a domain. domain-initiality is a third factor in -creation which kind of domain? surely not morpho-syntactic domains (cycles, phases): the morpho-syntactic relation between the items involved does not vary. 22

  23. domains syllabic island term coined by B. Tranel, based on a long tradition in the analysis of H H sets itself apart from the preceding word and refuses intercourse H-words = block syllabification with the preceding word (lexical marking) not morpho-syntactic in kind: morph-synt. has no clue what an H is. Morin (1974: 87f), Schane (1978), Cornulier (1978, 1981), Tranel (1992, 1995) production planning domains production planning windows define the stretch of the linear string for which production is prepared in one go they are variable across speakers, individual speech acts, etc. a number of factors bear on their creation, including morpho-syntactic information semantics (Selkirk's 1984 sense unit) surprise (incongruent meaning causes a boundary) word length and word frequency attention / distraction of the speaker Wagner (2012), Tamminga (2018), Kilbourn- Ceron (2017) and Wagner et al. (2020) 23

  24. domains effect of production planning V + V tu attends planned into one domain [tu attends] attends not domain-initial no planned into two domains [tu] [attends] [attends] is domain-initial 24

  25. interleaving loci of variation is always an effect of the Strong Position both words in the same domain? domain originates in H regular production planning: V + V no yes word 1 [word 2] [word 1 word 2] and recall the two additional loci of variation that need to be counted in: H (variable) (optional) w1 C-final C__ strong position w1 V-final V__V weak position no thus even domain-initially you will never get 100% of : its insertion is optional. post-coda domain-initial 25 Strong Position

  26. Results #3 CL + H = C + H CL are counted even when unpronounced

  27. CL + H rate 60.0% occurr. taux % 33,8 48,1 anova 40.0% F = 12,37 p = 0,00108 V + H tu haches 164 / 485 C + H il hache 20.0% ** 235 / 489 0.0% V + H C + H recall: V + H C + H tu haches il hache weak position V__V Strong Position C__ significantly higher rate will LC + H side with V + H or C + H? LC + H nous [ ua ] hachons phonetically V__V nous / za / hachons lexically C__ 27

  28. CL + H LC + H is like C + H, both are unlike V + H note the disproportion LC +H produces liaison (nous [z] hachons) these cases are counted out rate 60.0% occurr. taux % 33,8 48,1 anova 40.0% F = 12,37 p = 0,00108 V + H tu haches 164 / 485 C + H il hache 20.0% ** 235 / 489 0.0% V + H C + H rate 60.0% occurr. 164 / 485 taux % 33,8 42,2 anova F = 16,556 p = 0,00021 V + H tu haches LC + H nous hachons 137 / 325 40.0% *** 20.0% 0.0% V + H CL + H rate occurr. 235 / 489 taux % 48,1 42,2 anova 60.0% F = 0,641 p = 0,427 C + H il hache LC + H nous hachons 137 / 325 40.0% non-sig. 20.0% 0.0% H-generated insertion is sensitive to any preceding consonant, pronounced or not C + H CL + H 28

  29. CL + H *** same in box plot ** scale: proportion of responses with and without glottal stop proportion = for each speaker, nb of trials with minus nb of trials without (total nb of trials = 12) thus scale +12 to -12. 29 non-significant

  30. Ct, Marie-Hlne 2005. Le statut lexical des consonnes de liaison. Langages 158: 66- 78. C t , Marie-H l ne 2008. Empty elements in schwa, liaison and h aspir : the French Holy Trinity revisited. Sounds of Silence: Empty Elements in Syntax and Phonology, edited by Jutta Hartmann, Veronika Heged s & Henk van Riemsdijk, 61-103. Amsterdam: Elsevier. CL + H phonology takes into account unpronounced LCs just as pronounced Cs both create a Strong Position upon phonological computation, the unpronounced LC is thus present the only possible source is the lexical form of word 1 because in epenthesis-based analyses, LC insertion only occurs to break hiatus. before H, it does not occur (the hiatus is said to be legitimate in this context) this is evidence for the presence of LCs at the right edge of words (where they are spelt), even when they are not pronounced (floating consonants in the regular autosegmental analysis) incompatible with epenthesis-based analyses which deny the existence of unpronounced LCs. 30

  31. Conclusion

  32. conclusion two types of domains, originating in morpho-syntax (cycles phases) production planning phonological computation of course cannot distinguish them reacts on any domain hierarchy morpho-syntax defines domains which may then be further subdivided by production planning V + [ V], H syll. island but in some cases production planning has no word to say while in others it may create additional domains PRO+V = 100% liaison Adj. + N (liaison) process-specificity morpho-syntactic domains are process-specific Engl.: l-draking is bound by the word, t-flapping is not so are production planning domains. Within the same morpho- syntactic domain PRO+V further domains may be created that lead to insertion but not ones that disrupt liaison 32

  33. that's all

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