The Intersection of Multilingualism and Politics: Insights by Dr. Katerina Strani

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Some thoughts by
Dr Katerina Strani
Department of Languages and Intercultural
Studies
Heriot-Watt University
Language as “a repository of history and culture that is
central to individual and group identity” (Bauman & Briggs
2000).
Language as the “soul of the people” (Ipperciel 2007: 401).
Setting the scene
People’s 
lifeworld, 
attitudes, behaviour, culture
and personality change when they use a
language different from their native one
New perceptions of their own subjective world,
the objective world, intersubjective world
(Piaget)
New attitudes, behaviour, arguments
3
Citizenship
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Citizenship as attachment to a specific polity
“constructed as a state in terms of rights and
obligations” (Kockel, 2010)
Determines who does and does not belong to the
people of the state (
Bauboeck, 2010; Kockel,
2010)
Rights and obligations of the citizen.
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Examples of multilingual publics
Multilingualism (?)
What is considered a ‘language’?
Who is considered a ‘native’ speaker?
Who decides on fluency? Is it important?
Language and identity
 “plurilingualism, polylingualism, interlingualism,
multiplurilingualism , metrolingualism,
superdiversity, translanguaging and crossing” (Unger,
Krzyzanowski and Wodak, 2014: 3-4)
 M
ultilingualism constitutes an integral part of the
contemporary understanding of the public sphere, in which
political argumentation may defy linguistic barriers.
BUT despite the importance of multilingualism on the social
construction of contemporary public spheres, this remains
relatively under-explored.
Presupposition: 
one
 language!
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A new phenomenon?
A new phenomenon?
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 century France (Breton, Basque, Catalan)
Belgium
Switzerland
Empires (Ottoman, Habsburg)
African multilingualism
Qing Empire (Chinese, Manchu, Mongolian, and Tibetan + regional
languages)
etc. at public sphere level
- usually spoke others’ languages
   
  - lingua franca / lingua communis
9
Some relevant studies (1)
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Krzyzanowski (& Wodak): EU multilingualism, language policy…
Doerr (2012): 
MORE DIVERSITY– MORE DEMOCRATIC (MORE
“PUBLIC”)
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Higher inclusivity 
despite linguistic pluralism and asymmetric language
skills of participants 
monolingual environments “more exclusionary”.
BUT THIS WAS ONLY AT ESF…ideologically homogeneous
10
Nanz (2006) and Eder (2007) have examined how the
linguistic variation in the EU has affected the creation of a
European public sphere.
Risse & Van de Steeg (2003) : no need to speak the same
language to communicate in a meaningful way.
Pym (2013) 
“Translation as an instrument of multilingual
democracy”: 
current technologies and practices of (collective)
translation. “
for a democracy, should we be translating,
learning languages, speaking just one common language, or
something else?”
 
?
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With the exception of countries with multiple 
official
 languages, we still
have not moved away from monolingualist ideology.
Choice of language in deliberation is always a political choice
Language defines identity and 
political communities
 (cf. Miller & Hashmi,
2001)
  
e.g. Belgium, Spain, Switzerland, Canada
  
a) language groups are territorialised  (“territorial imperative”)
  
b) federalisation: demand of political recognition and self-
 
     
government powers through federalisation
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‘New Scots’
Multilingualism
BSL (Scotland) Act 2015
Equal rights
Additive identities
Civic responsibilities and rights – citizenship
Migrants 
in dominant publics
Especially in the context of Brexit, to show the contrast with the rest of the UK
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.
MSP Humza Yousaf takes oath in English and Urdu at Scottish Parliament
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FCiRZXg5TzE
Implications, Challenges and Opportunities
Power differentials
Power differentials in multilingual (esp. diasporic) PSs are not only rooted
in status, education or access, but in:
the language chosen for communication
how well the dominant language is spoken (Doerr, 2012; cf. Fraser 2007)
how well the home/minority language is spoken (which may be an
indicator of status, education etc)
Signed languages
 
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In diasporic public spheres in particular (Appadurai, 1996),
multilingualism <> multiculturalism.
(Language and citizenship, citizenship as a “culture-blind concept” (Nic
Craith, 2004; Habermas, 2005)).
Power differentials 
also:
in styles of argumentation (different cultures argue differently)
different stages of integration in diasporic public spheres
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.
Sub-communities
Subaltern (Fraser, 1993)
Emergent collectives (Asen, 2000)
“invent and circulate counterdiscourses to formulate oppositional
interpenetrations of their identities, interests, and needs” (Fraser, 1993)
Counterpublics fight for recognition.
Concept of "uncivil society" (informal networks?) (Wodak)
One voice? One community? (cf Hill, 2015; 2016)
Normalisation
’ (…)
 of migrants into dominant publics??
Communication through interpreters
What happens to arguments?
(e.g. Nigel Farage v. Herbert van Rompuy, EP, 2010)
Meaning as selection
19
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Allowing synchronous and asynchronous interaction between many
end-users/citizens
Linked with e-government, e-participation and e-democracy
Allowing different types of end-users: media, policy-makers and
practitioners, citizens, NGOs etc.
Communicating about the same issues at the same time (Risse & Van de
Steeg, 2013)
Openness and (relative) transparency. “Everything is heard by everyone;
everything is told to everyone” → enabling and creative “democratic
confusion”
 (
Fanoulis)
20
Emoticons, avatars, online lingo
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(
!
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!
!
)
communication slowly becomes detached from the binds of
language
 can formulate groups, creating nodal points of power within
the virtual public sphere (Rasmussen, 2014; and others)
21
N
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Understanding as “fictional coupling of expectations” (Grant,
2003: 108)
Increased contingency and risk (4
th
 level)
Multilingualism in the PS may be a case of “pseudo-
communication” (Habermas, 1970: 205) 
 “false consensus”
instead of “rational dissensus”
Power differentials in multilingual PSs are not only rooted in
status, education or access, but in the language chosen for
communication or in how well the dominant language is spoken
(Doerr, 2012; cf. Fraser 2007)
Inclusion / education
22
P
r
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c
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c
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l
 
i
m
p
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Hegemonic multilingualism (Doerr, 2012)
Lack of a common language in EU does not prevent linguistic
hegemonisation– also the lingua franca will probably be spoken only
by elites/educated (Fraser, 
2007
 )
We still need to understand each other !
How to be more inclusive. Inclusion / citizenship for those who do not
“belong”
(remember belonging is externally attributed as well as internally or
locally felt)
23
Rethinking of contemporary democracies
Focus on EDUCATION: Awareness, promotion of multilingualism
in public deliberation
Understanding is contingent even in monolingual environments
“fictional coupling of expectations”
More inclusive, less unequal societies
(language learning ?)
O
p
p
o
r
t
u
n
i
t
i
e
s
Ευχαριστώ !
Κατερίνα Στράνη
Katerina Strani
A.Strani@hw.ac.uk
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Language plays a crucial role in shaping individual and collective identities, impacting attitudes, behavior, and culture. Multilingualism influences citizenship, defining belonging within society and determining rights and obligations. Examples of multilingual public spheres demonstrate the complexity of language dynamics in different contexts. The nuances of language definitions, native speakers, fluency, and their importance in identity are explored, highlighting varied forms of language usage and communication.

  • Multilingualism
  • Politics
  • Identity
  • Citizenship
  • Language Dynamics

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  1. Discussing multilingualism Discussing multilingualism and politics and politics Some thoughts by Dr Katerina Strani Department of Languages and Intercultural Studies Heriot-Watt University

  2. Setting the scene Language as a repository of history and culture that is central to individual and group identity (Bauman & Briggs 2000). Language as the soul of the people (Ipperciel 2007: 401).

  3. Peoples lifeworld, attitudes, behaviour, culture and personality change when they use a language different from their native one New perceptions of their own subjective world, the objective world, intersubjective world (Piaget) New attitudes, behaviour, arguments 3

  4. Citizenship set of practices (juridical, political, economic and cultural) that define a person as a component member of society (Turner 1993) Citizenship not culture-blind (Nic Craith, 2004; Habermas, 2005) Citizenship-belonging nexus. (Bauboeck, 2010) Nature or nurture?

  5. Citizenship Citizenship as commitment Citizenship as attachment to a specific polity constructed as a state in terms of rights and obligations (Kockel, 2010) Determines who does and does not belong to the people of the state (Bauboeck, 2010; Kockel, 2010) Rights and obligations of the citizen. Connected to legitimacy Nationality important for both identity and citizenship. what about language?

  6. Examples of multilingual publics Language-defined public spheres, (minority or diasporic languages) e.g. Gaelic public sphere in Scotland, Turkish public sphere in Germany Many languages within the same PS, e.g. in officially multilingual countries, EU Online publics: emoticons, avatars, metrolingualism, translingual communities (e.g. gamers) Non-native speakers speaking the dominant language(s) in PS settings

  7. Multilingualism (?) What is considered a language ? Who is considered a native speaker? Who decides on fluency? Is it important? Language and identity plurilingualism, polylingualism, interlingualism, multiplurilingualism , metrolingualism, superdiversity, translanguaging and crossing (Unger, Krzyzanowski and Wodak, 2014: 3-4)

  8. Multilingualism constitutes an integral part of the contemporary understanding of the public sphere, in which political argumentation may defy linguistic barriers. BUT despite the importance of multilingualism on the social construction of contemporary public spheres, this remains relatively under-explored. Presupposition: one language! Multilingual reality v. monolingualist ideology (Grani , 2012; Doerr, 2012; Pym, 2013 and others). assumption of linguistic homogeneity in politics 8

  9. A new phenomenon? 19th century France (Breton, Basque, Catalan) Belgium Switzerland Empires (Ottoman, Habsburg) African multilingualism Qing Empire (Chinese, Manchu, Mongolian, and Tibetan + regional languages) etc. at public sphere level - usually spoke others languages - lingua franca / lingua communis 9

  10. Some relevant studies (1) Wodak: key works on language and politics, political discourse, language ideology Krzyzanowski (& Wodak): EU multilingualism, language policy Doerr (2012): MORE DIVERSITY MORE DEMOCRATIC (MORE PUBLIC ) novel listening habits because of heightened awareness of potential cultural misunderstandings Higher inclusivity despite linguistic pluralism and asymmetric language skills of participants monolingual environments more exclusionary . BUT THIS WAS ONLY AT ESF ideologically homogeneous 10

  11. Nanz (2006) and Eder (2007) have examined how the linguistic variation in the EU has affected the creation of a European public sphere. Risse & Van de Steeg (2003) : no need to speak the same language to communicate in a meaningful way. Pym (2013) Translation as an instrument of multilingual democracy : current technologies and practices of (collective) translation. for a democracy, should we be translating, learning languages, speaking just one common language, or something else? ?

  12. How does it work ? With the exception of countries with multiple official languages, we still have not moved away from monolingualist ideology. Choice of language in deliberation is always a political choice Language defines identity and political communities (cf. Miller & Hashmi, 2001) e.g. Belgium, Spain, Switzerland, Canada a) language groups are territorialised ( territorial imperative ) b) federalisation: demand of political recognition and self- government powers through federalisation

  13. Scotland New Scots Multilingualism BSL (Scotland) Act 2015 Equal rights Additive identities Civic responsibilities and rights citizenship Migrants in dominant publics Especially in the context of Brexit, to show the contrast with the rest of the UK In 2011, there were 284,352 usual residents in Scotland who spoke a language other than English, Scots, Gaelic or BSL at home, representing 6% of all residents aged 3 and over. Of those residents, 19% (54,186) spoke Polish at home (Migration Observatory).

  14. MSP Humza Yousaf takes oath in English and Urdu at Scottish Parliament https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FCiRZXg5TzE

  15. Implications, Challenges and Opportunities

  16. Power differentials Power differentials in multilingual (esp. diasporic) PSs are not only rooted in status, education or access, but in: the language chosen for communication how well the dominant language is spoken (Doerr, 2012; cf. Fraser 2007) how well the home/minority language is spoken (which may be an indicator of status, education etc) Signed languages a monolingual public sphere an exclusionary practice

  17. In diasporic public spheres in particular (Appadurai, 1996), multilingualism <> multiculturalism. (Language and citizenship, citizenship as a culture-blind concept (Nic Craith, 2004; Habermas, 2005)). Power differentials also: in styles of argumentation (different cultures argue differently) different stages of integration in diasporic public spheres

  18. And yet at a political level, publics who deliberate in different languages would fall under the category of counterpublics . Sub-communities Subaltern (Fraser, 1993) Emergent collectives (Asen, 2000) invent and circulate counterdiscourses to formulate oppositional interpenetrations of their identities, interests, and needs (Fraser, 1993) Counterpublics fight for recognition. Concept of "uncivil society" (informal networks?) (Wodak) One voice? One community? (cf Hill, 2015; 2016) Normalisation ( ) of migrants into dominant publics??

  19. Communication through interpreters What happens to arguments? (e.g. Nigel Farage v. Herbert van Rompuy, EP, 2010) Meaning as selection 19

  20. Online multilingual argumentation Allowing synchronous and asynchronous interaction between many end-users/citizens Linked with e-government, e-participation and e-democracy Allowing different types of end-users: media, policy-makers and practitioners, citizens, NGOs etc. Communicating about the same issues at the same time (Risse & Van de Steeg, 2013) Openness and (relative) transparency. Everything is heard by everyone; everything is told to everyone enabling and creative democratic confusion (Fanoulis) 20

  21. Emoticons, avatars, online lingo online translating software instant translation (!!!!) communication slowly becomes detached from the binds of language can formulate groups, creating nodal points of power within the virtual public sphere (Rasmussen, 2014; and others) 21

  22. Normative implications Normative implications Understanding as fictional coupling of expectations (Grant, 2003: 108) Increased contingency and risk (4th level) Multilingualism in the PS may be a case of pseudo- communication (Habermas, 1970: 205) false consensus instead of rational dissensus Power differentials in multilingual PSs are not only rooted in status, education or access, but in the language chosen for communication or in how well the dominant language is spoken (Doerr, 2012; cf. Fraser 2007) Inclusion / education 22

  23. Practical implications Practical implications Hegemonic multilingualism (Doerr, 2012) Lack of a common language in EU does not prevent linguistic hegemonisation also the lingua franca will probably be spoken only by elites/educated (Fraser, 2007 ) We still need to understand each other ! How to be more inclusive. Inclusion / citizenship for those who do not belong (remember belonging is externally attributed as well as internally or locally felt) 23

  24. Opportunities Rethinking of contemporary democracies Focus on EDUCATION: Awareness, promotion of multilingualism in public deliberation Understanding is contingent even in monolingual environments fictional coupling of expectations More inclusive, less unequal societies (language learning ?)

  25. ! Katerina Strani A.Strani@hw.ac.uk

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