Sociocultural Context in Social Behavior
Social Behavior
Sociocultural context
•
W
e argued that all human behavior is cultural
to some extent.
This is because the human
species is fundamentally a
social one
.
•
Our intimate and prolonged interpersonal
relations promote the
development of
shared
meanings, and the creation of institutions and
artifacts.
•
To understand our social nature, and how it is
organized, we need to examine
some basic
features of society.
Sociocultural context
•
On the one
hand, social behaviors are
obviously linked to
the particular
sociocultural context
in which they develop;
for example,
greeting procedures
(bowing,
handshaking,
or kissing) vary widely from
culture to culture, and these are clear-cut
examples of the
influence of cultural
transmission on our social behavior.
Sociocultural context
•
On
the other hand, greeting takes place in
all
cultures
, suggesting the presence of
some
fundamental communality
in the very essence
of social behavior.
•
If there are
difficulties
in transporting theories
,
methods, and findings from the United States
to
, for example,
Israel
and Canada, how much
more likely are there to be problems when
larger
cultural contrasts are involved?
Sociocultural context
•
One solution is to create
indigenous (yerel)
social psychologies.
•
These attempt to develop social psychologies
that are appropriate
to a
particular society or
region
.
Sociocultural context
•
In every social system individuals occupy
positions for which certain behaviors
are
expected; these behaviors are called
roles
.
•
Each role occupant is the object of
sanctions
that exert
social influence, even pressure
, to
behave according to
social
norms or standards.
•
These elements of a
social system are not
random
, but are organized or structured
by
each cultural group.
Sociocultural context
•
S
ocieties make
distinctions among roles; some
societies make few, while others make many.
•
For
example, in a relatively
undifferentiated
(farklılaşmamış)
social structure positions and
roles may
be limited to a few
basic familial,
social, and economic ones
.
•
S
uch as parent–child, hunter–food preparer.
•
There is
minimal
role diversity.
Sociocultural context
•
In contrast, in a relatively
more differentiated
societ
ies
,
there are many
more positions and
roles
to be found in particular domains
.
•
S
uch
as
king–aristocracy–citizen–slave
,
corporate owner–manager–worker–retiree, or
pope–cardinal–bishop–priest–layperson
.
•
There is
more role diversity
.
Sociocultural context
•
Fiske (1993) proposed four elementary
relational structures:
–
Communal sharing:
where people are merged,
boundaries of individual
selves are indistinct,
people attend to group membership and have a
sense
of
common identity
.
–
Authority ranking:
where inequality and
hierarchy
prevail, highly
ranked persons control people,
things, and resources
.
Sociocultural context
•
Fiske (1993) proposed four elementary
relational structures:
–
Equality matching
: where there are egalitarian
relations among peers;
people
are separate but
equal
, engaging in turn-taking, reciprocity, and
balanced
relationships
.
–
Market pricing
:
actions are
evaluated according to
the rates at which they can be
exchanged
for
other
commodities
(metalar)
.
Sociocultural context
•
«T
hese models are
fundamental
, in that they are in
some sense the lowest or most basic
level
“grammars” for social relations.
My hypothesis is
that these models are
general
,
giving order to
most forms of social interaction, thought, and
affect.
They are
elementary
, in the sense that they
are the basic constituents for all higher order social
forms. My hypothesis is that
they are also
universal
, being the basis for social
relations among
all people in all cultures and the essential
foundation
for cross-cultural understanding and
intercultural engagement.
»
Conformity
•
W
ithout some degree of conformity, it is quite
likely that social cohesiveness would be so
minimal that the
group could not continue
to
function as a group
.
•
There
appears to
be variation across cultures
in the degree to which individuals are
raised
or trained to be independent and self- (as
opposed to group-)reliant.
Conformity
•
T
here is likely to be relatively
more individual
conformity in societies that emphasize
compliance
training
(i.e., densely
populated
and highly stratified
-tabakalaşma-
societies),
and
relatively less in societies that stress
assertion
training
(i.e., sparse and unstratified
societies).
Conformity
•
Researchers studying conformity have usually
investigated
the tendency of individuals
to be
influenced by what they believe to be the
judgments of a group
.
•
Asch’s experiment:
https://amara.org/kn/videos/qSk79dwvrVxx/tr/9569
19/
Conformity
•
C
onformity was likely to be found across
cultures, but
would vary according to
ecological and cultural factors.
•
H
unting-based peoples
, with loose forms of
social organization (low societal
conformity)
and socialization for assertion, would exhibit
lower levels of conformity
than those in
agricultural societies
, with tighter social
organization and
socialization for compliance.
Values
•
In an early definition, the term
“values”
refers
to a
conception held by an individual, or
collectively by members of a group
,
of that
which is desirable, and which influences the
selection of both means and
ends of action
from among available alternatives
.
•
More recently,
values are
defined as
“a broad
tendency
to prefer certain states of affairs
over others”
Values
•
Values are
usually considered to be
more
general in character than attitudes, but less
general
than ideologies
(such as political
systems).
•
They appear to be
relatively stable
features
of
individuals and societies
.
Values
•
Rokeach
identified
eighteen values
of each
kind, and his instrument (
the Rokeach Value
Survey
) requires respondents to rank order
the values within each set of eighteen.
•
Terminal values
were defined as idealized end
states of existence
.
•
These are the goals that a person would like to
achieve
during his or her lifetime. These
values vary among different groups of people
in different cultures.
Values
Terminal Values
•
True Friendship
•
Mature Love
•
Self-Respect
•
Happiness
•
Inner Harmony
•
Equality
•
Freedom
•
Pleasure
•
Social Recognition
•
Wisdom
•
Salvation
•
Family Security
•
National Security
•
A Sense of Accomplishment
•
A World of Beauty
•
A World at Peace
•
A Comfortable Life
•
An Exciting Life
Values
•
I
nstrumental values
were defined as idealized
modes of behavior
used to attain the end
states.
•
These are preferable
modes of behavior
, or
means of achieving the terminal values
.
Values
Instrumental Values
•
Cheerfulness
•
Ambition
•
Love
•
Cleanliness
•
Self-Control
•
Capability
•
Courage
•
Politeness
•
Honesty
•
Imagination
•
Independence
•
Intellect
•
Broad-Mindedness
•
Logic
•
Obedience
•
Helpfulness
•
Responsibility
•
Forgiveness
•
Schwartz and Sagiv (1995)
Values
•
There
are two dimensions that organize the
ten value types into clusters situated at either
end of the two dimensions
.
•
T
hese dimensions are
:
–
self-enhancement
(power,
achievement,
hedonism) versus
self-transcendence
(universalism,
benevolence);
–
conservatism
(conformity, security, tradition)
versus
openness to change
(self
-
direction,
stimulation).
Values
•
These two dimensions (and ten values) are
considered to represent
universal aspects of
human existence
, which are rooted in
basic
individual needs.
•
I
ndividual scores can be aggregated
(toplanma)
over individuals within a group
(culture or country) to yield a score
that is
thought to be
characteristic of the group.
Values
•
Conservatism versus autonomy
:
how individuals
relate to their group (whether they are embedded
or independent)
.
•
Hierarchy versus egalitarianism
:
how people
consider the welfare of others (whether
relationships are vertically or horizontally
structured)
.
•
Mastery versus harmony
:
the relationship
of
people to their natural and social world (whether
they dominate and
exploit it, or live with it).
Values
•
T
he World
Values Survey
:
This has been carried
out three times since 1981; it has sampled
values
from individuals in sixty-five countries containing
over
75 percent
of the world population
.
•
Using a wide range of items,
Inglehart and Baker
(2000)
found
two basic value dimensions
, which
they labeled
traditional
versus secular-rational
,
and
survival versus self-expression
.
Values
•
Traditional versus secular-rational
:
values
that emphasize
obedience rather than
independence
when raising children as well as
respect for authority.
•
Survival versus self-expression
:
values that
emphasize
economic and physical security
over
quality of life
.
Values
•
Hofstede worked for a major international
corporation, and was able to administer over
116,000 questionnaires
(in
1968 and in 1972)
to employees in
fifty different countries
and
of
sixty-six different
nationalities
.
Values
•
P
ower distance
: the extent to which there is
inequality (a pecking order) between
supervisors
and subordinates in an organization
.
•
U
ncertainty avoidance
: the lack of tolerance for
ambiguity, and the need for
formal rules
.
•
I
ndividualism
: a concern for oneself as opposed to
concern for the collectivity
to which one belongs
.
•
M
asculinity
: the extent of emphasis on work goals
(earnings, advancement)
and assertiveness, as
opposed to interpersonal goals (friendly
atmosphere, getting
along with the boss) and
nurturance.
Individualism and collectivism
•
T
he defining difference between individualism
and
collectivism is
a primary concern for
oneself in contrast to a concern for the
groups(s) to which one belongs.
Individualism and collectivism
•
In-group solidarity
–
Teenagers should listen to their parents’ advice on
dating. (C)
–
I would not share my ideas and newly acquired
knowledge with my
parents. (I)
–
The decision of where one is to work should be jointly
made with one’s
spouse. (C)
–
Even if the child won the Nobel prize, the parents should
not feel honored
in any way. (I)
–
I like to live close to my good friends. (C)
–
To go on a trip with friends makes one less free and
mobile; as a result
there is less fun. (I)
Individualism and collectivism
•
Social obligation
–
I can count on my relatives for help if I find myself in
any kind of trouble.
(C)
–
Each family has its own problems unique to itself. It
does not help to tell
relatives about one’s problems.
(I)
–
I enjoy meeting and talking to my neighbors every
day. (C)
–
I am not interested in knowing what my neighbors
are really like. (I)
Social cognition
•
H
ow individuals perceive and interpret their
social world, an area now known
as social
cognition.
•
Attribution
refers to the way in which individuals
think about
the causes of their
own, or other
people’s, behavior
.
•
P
eople can attribute behaviors to
internal
causes
(i.e., to their own actions and dispositions), or to
external causes
(i.e., not to themselves but to
others or to fate)
.
Social cognition
•
There is a frequently observed
preference
for
attributions to internal dispositions
,
especially when it comes to the
behavior
of
others
, that has become known as the
“fundamental attribution error”
.
•
B
oth dispositional and situational attributions
were present
across cultures, but were used
differentially.
Social cognition
•
In particular,
Western
(European) peoples
prefer to make
dispositional attributions
,
while
East Asian
peoples
prefer
situational
(contextual) ones
when interpreting human
behavior.
Gender behavior
•
We said that
g
irls
generally are socialized
more toward
compliance
(nurturance,
responsibility, and
obedience), while
boys
are
raised more for
assertion
(independence, self-
reliance,
and achievement).
•
T
hese differential socialization patterns are
themselves related to some other
cultural
factors (such as social stratification)
and
ecological factors (such as subsistence
economy and population density).
Gender behavior
•
B
iological,
cultural, and transmission variables
are rel
ated
to differential
gender behavior.
•
At birth, a neonate
(yenidoğan)
has a sex, but no
gender.
•
At birth
,
one’s biological sex can
usually be
decided on the basis of
physical anatomical
evidence
; but
culturally
rooted experiences,
feelings, and behaviors that are associated by
adults with this
biological distinction are a major
influence on how individuals see their
gender.
Gender behavior
•
H
ow males and females differ, and how
they are
similar, will be interpreted
as a cultural
construction on a biological foundation
,
rather
than as a biological given.
•
V
alues, cultural beliefs (stereotypes),
and
expectations (ideology)
lead to
male–female
differences in socialization
,
role differentiation
and assignment,
and eventually
to differences
in a number of
psychological characteristics
(abilities, aggression,
etc.).
Gender behavior
•
Gender stereotypes
•
S
tereotypes of males and females are very
different from one another,
with
males
usually
viewed as
dominant, independent, and
adventurous
and
females
as
emotional,
submissive, and weak.
Gender behavior
•
A
total of
2,800 persons
, ranging between
52
to 120 respondents
per country
, and usually
close to an
equal number of males and
females
were investigated.
•
Results indicated a
large-scale difference
in the
views about what males and
females were like
in all countries, and a broad consensus across
countries
.
Gender behavior
•
This degree of consensus was so large that it
may be appropriate to
suggest that the
researchers had found
psychological
universals when it comes
to gender
stereotypes.
Gender behavior
•
Mate selection
•
Using a questionnaire
with around
10,000
respondents in
thirty-seven countries
, Buss
first asked them
to rate each of
–
(1)
eighteen characteristics (on a four-point scale)
as important or desirable
in choosing a mate.
–
(2)
to rank
thirteen characteristics for their
desirability in choosing a mate.
Gender behavior
•
T
here was
widespread agreement in
preferences.
•
B
oth males and
females
chose the same
qualities in the first four places:
–
being kind and understanding,
–
intelligent,
–
having an exciting personality,
–
being healthy.
Gender behavior
•
However, within this overall similarity,
both
gender and cultural differences
were
observed.
•
The
main gender difference
was for
females
to value potential
earnings
more highly than
males, and
for males to value physical
appearance
more highly than females.
Gender behavior
•
The cultural differences were widespread,
with
chastity
(bekaret)
showing
the largest
cross-cultural variance
,
being valued less in
northern
Europe than in Asia
.
•
D
espite these cultural and sexual variations,
there were strong similarities
among cultures
and between sexes on the preference ordering
of mate selection.
Gender behavior
•
Gender role ideology
•
G
ender role ideology
is a
normative belief
about
what males and females should be like,
or should do
.
•
According to
Kalin and Tilby (1978)
,
scores
ranging between
“traditional”
and
“egalitarian.”
•
In general,
the more egalitarian scores
were
obtained in countries with
relatively high
socioeconomic development
.
Gender behavior
•
T
raditional ideology
are:
–
When a man and woman live together she should
do the housework and
he should do the heavier
chores.
–
A woman should be careful how she looks, for it
influences what people
think of her husband.
–
The first duty of a woman with young children is
to home and family.
Gender behavior
•
For the
egalitarian ideology
sample items
were:
–
A woman should have exactly the same freedom
of action as a man.
–
Marriage should not interfere with a woman’s
career any more than it
does with a man’s.
–
Women should be allowed the same sexual
freedom as men.
Gender behavior
•
Psychological characteristics
•
D
ifferences in psychological characteristics
between men and
women.
•
T
hree behavioral domains:
–
perceptual-cognitive abilities,
–
conformity,
–
aggression.
Gender behavior
•
Perceptual-cognitive abilities:
It has been a
common claim that on spatial tasks (and those
tasks that have a
spatial component) males tend
to perform better than females
.
•
But
spatial
abilities were
highly adaptive for both
males and females in Inuit
(Eskimo)
society
, and
both boys and girls had ample
(bol)
training and
experiences that promoted the acquisition
of
spatial ability.
•
T
hose with poor spatial abilities
are likely to die in
hunting societies, and their genes thus be
eliminated.
Gender behavior
•
Conformity
:
In the Western literature there is
some
evidence that
females may be more
susceptible to conformity pressures than
males
.
•
B
ut this has been the subject of heated
controversy
.
Gender behavior
•
Aggression: O
n the average,
males
(particularly adolescents) quite consistently
commit more acts of aggression
than do
females
.
•
Evidence
that
testosterone levels
are linked
with dominance striving is available
but
more
for primates
like baboons than for humans
.
•
There is also evidence that testosterone levels
are linked to
antisocial behavior
in delinquent
populations
.
Gender behavior
•
T
he degree
to which
the expression of
aggression is tolerated
(or even encouraged) is
influenced
by the sociocultural environment.
•
If males and females have
differen
t
experiences that impact on their
tendencies to
behave aggressively
, then knowing what those
experiences are is necessary
in any attempt to
understand aggression.
Gender behavior
•
Aggression is seen partly as
gender-marking
behavior
.
•
Y
oung
boys develop a cross-sex identity which
later is corrected
either by severe male
initiation ceremonies for adolescent males
or
by individual efforts by males to assert their
manliness
.
Human behavior is inherently cultural due to our social nature, shaping our interactions through shared meanings and institutions. Social behaviors vary across cultures, influenced by cultural transmission. Indigenous social psychologies cater to specific societies, emphasizing the importance of roles and norms in structured social systems. Societies differ in the diversity of roles they assign, reflecting varying levels of differentiation in social structures.
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Presentation Transcript
Sociocultural context We argued that all human behavior is cultural to some extent. This is because the human species is fundamentally a social one. Our intimate and prolonged interpersonal relations promote the development of shared meanings, and the creation of institutions and artifacts. To understand our social nature, and how it is organized, we need to examine some basic features of society.
Sociocultural context On the one hand, social behaviors are obviously linked to the particular sociocultural context in which they develop; for example, greeting procedures (bowing, handshaking, or kissing) vary widely from culture to culture, and these are clear-cut examples of the influence of cultural transmission on our social behavior.
Sociocultural context On the other hand, greeting takes place in all cultures, suggesting the presence of some fundamental communality in the very essence of social behavior. If there are difficulties in transporting theories, methods, and findings from the United States to, for example, Israel and Canada, how much more likely are there to be problems when larger cultural contrasts are involved?
Sociocultural context One solution is to create indigenous (yerel) social psychologies. These attempt to develop social psychologies that are appropriate to a particular society or region.
Sociocultural context In every social system individuals occupy positions for which certain behaviors are expected; these behaviors are called roles. Each role occupant is the object of sanctions that exert social influence, even pressure, to behave according to social norms or standards. These elements of a social system are not random, but are organized or structured by each cultural group.
Sociocultural context Societies make distinctions among roles; some societies make few, while others make many. For example, in a relatively undifferentiated (farkl la mam ) social structure positions and roles may be limited to a few basic familial, social, and economic ones. Such as parent child, hunter food preparer. There is minimal role diversity.
Sociocultural context In contrast, in a relatively more differentiated societies, there are many more positions and roles to be found in particular domains. Such as king aristocracy citizen slave, corporate owner manager worker retiree, or pope cardinal bishop priest layperson. There is more role diversity.
Sociocultural context Fiske (1993) proposed four elementary relational structures: Communal sharing: where people are merged, boundaries of individual selves are indistinct, people attend to group membership and have a sense of common identity. Authority ranking: where inequality and hierarchy prevail, highly ranked persons control people, things, and resources.
Sociocultural context Fiske (1993) proposed four elementary relational structures: Equality matching: where there are egalitarian relations among peers; people are separate but equal, engaging in turn-taking, reciprocity, and balanced relationships. Market pricing: actions are evaluated according to the rates at which they can be exchanged for other commodities (metalar).
Sociocultural context These models are fundamental, in that they are in some sense the lowest or most basic level grammars for social relations. My hypothesis is that these models are general, giving order to most forms of social interaction, thought, and affect. They are elementary, in the sense that they are the basic constituents for all higher order social forms. My hypothesis is that they are also universal, being the basis for social relations among all people in all cultures and the essential foundation for cross-cultural understanding and intercultural engagement.
Conformity Without some degree of conformity, it is quite likely that social cohesiveness would be so minimal that the group could not continue to function as a group. There appears to be variation across cultures in the degree to which individuals are raised or trained to be independent and self- (as opposed to group-)reliant.
Conformity There is likely to be relatively more individual conformity in societies that emphasize compliance training (i.e., densely populated and highly stratified-tabakala ma- societies), and relatively less in societies that stress assertion training (i.e., sparse and unstratified societies).
Conformity Researchers studying conformity have usually investigated the tendency of individuals to be influenced by what they believe to be the judgments of a group. Asch s experiment: https://amara.org/kn/videos/qSk79dwvrVxx/tr/9569 19/
Conformity Conformity was likely to be found across cultures, but would vary according to ecological and cultural factors. Hunting-based peoples, with loose forms of social organization (low societal conformity) and socialization for assertion, would exhibit lower levels of conformity than those in agricultural societies, with tighter social organization and socialization for compliance.
Values In an early definition, the term values refers to a conception held by an individual, or collectively by members of a group, of that which is desirable, and which influences the selection of both means and ends of action from among available alternatives. More recently, values are defined as a broad tendency to prefer certain states of affairs over others
Values Values are usually considered to be more general in character than attitudes, but less general than ideologies (such as political systems). They appear to be relatively stable features of individuals and societies.
Values Rokeach identified eighteen values of each kind, and his instrument (the Rokeach Value Survey) requires respondents to rank order the values within each set of eighteen. Terminal values were defined as idealized end states of existence. These are the goals that a person would like to achieve during his or her lifetime. These values vary among different groups of people in different cultures.
Values Terminal Values True Friendship Mature Love Self-Respect Happiness Inner Harmony Equality Freedom Pleasure Social Recognition Wisdom Salvation Family Security National Security A Sense of Accomplishment A World of Beauty A World at Peace A Comfortable Life An Exciting Life
Values Instrumental values were defined as idealized modes of behavior used to attain the end states. These are preferable modes of behavior, or means of achieving the terminal values.
Values Instrumental Values Cheerfulness Ambition Love Cleanliness Self-Control Capability Courage Politeness Honesty Imagination Independence Intellect Broad-Mindedness Logic Obedience Helpfulness Responsibility Forgiveness
Values There are two dimensions that organize the ten value types into clusters situated at either end of the two dimensions. These dimensions are: self-enhancement (power, achievement, hedonism) versus self-transcendence (universalism, benevolence); conservatism (conformity, security, tradition) versus openness to change (self-direction, stimulation).
Values These two dimensions (and ten values) are considered to represent universal aspects of human existence, which are rooted in basic individual needs. Individual scores can be aggregated (toplanma) over individuals within a group (culture or country) to yield a score that is thought to be characteristic of the group.
Values Conservatism versus autonomy: how individuals relate to their group (whether they are embedded or independent). Hierarchy versus egalitarianism: how people consider the welfare of others (whether relationships are vertically or horizontally structured). Mastery versus harmony: the relationship of people to their natural and social world (whether they dominate and exploit it, or live with it).
Values The World Values Survey: This has been carried out three times since 1981; it has sampled values from individuals in sixty-five countries containing over 75 percent of the world population. Using a wide range of items, Inglehart and Baker (2000) found two basic value dimensions, which they labeled traditional versus secular-rational, and survival versus self-expression.
Values Traditional versus secular-rational: values that emphasize obedience rather than independence when raising children as well as respect for authority. Survival versus self-expression: values that emphasize economic and physical security over quality of life.
Values Hofstede worked for a major international corporation, and was able to administer over 116,000 questionnaires (in 1968 and in 1972) to employees in fifty different countries and of sixty-six different nationalities.
Values Power distance: the extent to which there is inequality (a pecking order) between supervisors and subordinates in an organization. Uncertainty avoidance: the lack of tolerance for ambiguity, and the need for formal rules. Individualism: a concern for oneself as opposed to concern for the collectivity to which one belongs. Masculinity: the extent of emphasis on work goals (earnings, advancement) and assertiveness, as opposed to interpersonal goals (friendly atmosphere, getting along with the boss) and nurturance.
Individualism and collectivism The defining difference between individualism and collectivism is a primary concern for oneself in contrast to a concern for the groups(s) to which one belongs.
Individualism and collectivism In-group solidarity Teenagers should listen to their parents advice on dating. (C) I would not share my ideas and newly acquired knowledge with my parents. (I) The decision of where one is to work should be jointly made with one s spouse. (C) Even if the child won the Nobel prize, the parents should not feel honored in any way. (I) I like to live close to my good friends. (C) To go on a trip with friends makes one less free and mobile; as a result there is less fun. (I)
Individualism and collectivism Social obligation I can count on my relatives for help if I find myself in any kind of trouble. (C) Each family has its own problems unique to itself. It does not help to tell relatives about one s problems. (I) I enjoy meeting and talking to my neighbors every day. (C) I am not interested in knowing what my neighbors are really like. (I)
Social cognition How individuals perceive and interpret their social world, an area now known as social cognition. Attribution refers to the way in which individuals think about the causes of their own, or other people s, behavior. People can attribute behaviors to internal causes (i.e., to their own actions and dispositions), or to external causes (i.e., not to themselves but to others or to fate).
Social cognition There is a frequently observed preference for attributions to internal dispositions, especially when it comes to the behavior of others, that has become known as the fundamental attribution error . Both dispositional and situational attributions were present across cultures, but were used differentially.
Social cognition In particular, Western (European) peoples prefer to make dispositional attributions, while East Asian peoples prefer situational (contextual) ones when interpreting human behavior.
Gender behavior We said that girls generally are socialized more toward compliance (nurturance, responsibility, and obedience), while boys are raised more for assertion (independence, self- reliance, and achievement). These differential socialization patterns are themselves related to some other cultural factors (such as social stratification) and ecological factors (such as subsistence economy and population density).
Gender behavior Biological, cultural, and transmission variables are related to differential gender behavior. At birth, a neonate (yenido an) has a sex, but no gender. At birth, one s biological sex can usually be decided on the basis of physical anatomical evidence; but culturally rooted experiences, feelings, and behaviors that are associated by adults with this biological distinction are a major influence on how individuals see their gender.
Gender behavior How males and females differ, and how they are similar, will be interpreted as a cultural construction on a biological foundation, rather than as a biological given. Values, cultural beliefs (stereotypes), and expectations (ideology) lead to male female differences in socialization, role differentiation and assignment, and eventually to differences in a number of psychological characteristics (abilities, aggression, etc.).
Gender behavior Gender stereotypes Stereotypes of males and females are very different from one another, with males usually viewed as dominant, independent, and adventurous and females as emotional, submissive, and weak.
Gender behavior A total of 2,800 persons, ranging between 52 to 120 respondents per country, and usually close to an equal number of males and females were investigated. Results indicated a large-scale difference in the views about what males and females were like in all countries, and a broad consensus across countries.
Gender behavior This degree of consensus was so large that it may be appropriate to suggest that the researchers had found psychological universals when it comes to gender stereotypes.
Gender behavior Mate selection Using a questionnaire with around 10,000 respondents in thirty-seven countries, Buss first asked them to rate each of (1)eighteen characteristics (on a four-point scale) as important or desirable in choosing a mate. (2)to rank thirteen characteristics for their desirability in choosing a mate.
Gender behavior There was widespread agreement in preferences. Both males and females chose the same qualities in the first four places: being kind and understanding, intelligent, having an exciting personality, being healthy.
Gender behavior However, within this overall similarity, both gender and cultural differences were observed. The main gender difference was for females to value potential earnings more highly than males, and for males to value physical appearance more highly than females.
Gender behavior The cultural differences were widespread, with chastity (bekaret) showing the largest cross-cultural variance, being valued less in northern Europe than in Asia. Despite these cultural and sexual variations, there were strong similarities among cultures and between sexes on the preference ordering of mate selection.
Gender behavior Gender role ideology Gender role ideology is a normative belief about what males and females should be like, or should do. According to Kalin and Tilby (1978), scores ranging between traditional and egalitarian. In general, the more egalitarian scores were obtained in countries with relatively high socioeconomic development.
Gender behavior Traditional ideology are: When a man and woman live together she should do the housework and he should do the heavier chores. A woman should be careful how she looks, for it influences what people think of her husband. The first duty of a woman with young children is to home and family.
