Dependent Case Theory in Japanese Linguistics

 
Dependent case in Japanese
 
Satoru Ozaki
Carnegie Mellon University
 
Big picture
 
1.
Dependent case theory is a good theory
2.
But it doesn’t work for Japanese
1.
NOM/ACC case alternation on the object
2.
DAT/NOM case alternation on the subject
3.
What are the necessary modifications?
4.
For Japanese, why is dependent case theory the best theoretical
option among others?
 
Intro to dependent case theory (DCT)
 
Theory if case proposed by Marantz (1991), Baker (2015), etc.
How is it different from Chomskian theories of case?
 
Big diff: Case assignment is not 
licensing
 but
an 
interpretative process
Licensing conditions
Interpretative process
Case Filter
Visibility
condition
Case-features are
uninterpretable
Unvalued phi-
features are
uninterpretable
Linearization (LCA)
Case assignment
Distributed
Morphology
 
When/where does Case assignment happen?
Chomskian Case Theory:
Anytime during the derivation when there is
Agree(ment) between a Probe and a Goal
Dependent case theory:
During Spell-Out of a category that contains
something that can receive case, e.g. DP/NP
Just like phi-feature
Agree(ment)
Just like
linearization
 
Different types of cases
 
Lexical case
e.g. quirky cases in Icelandic, adpositions
Dependent case
e.g. accusative (ACC), ergative (ERG)
Unmarked case (last resort)
e.g. nominative (NOM)/absolutive (ABS),
genitive (GEN)
 
most specific
most preferred
 
least specific
least preferred
Accusative languages
 
Dependent case: ACC, ERG
 
ACC assignment
If DP1 c-commands DP2 in a TP,
assign ACC to DP2.
ERG assignment
If DP1 c-commands DP2 in a TP,
assign ERG to DP1.
 
Only applies when there are
2 argumental DPs in a clause
Ergative languages
 
Case availability as a parameter
 
Accusative languages
Only ACC is available
Ergative languages
Only ERG is available
Tripartite languages
Both ACC and ERG available
Rude (1986) (cited by Baker 2015)
 
Applying DCT to Japanese
 
Japanese is an accusative language (?)
 
Consider:
Intransitive
    
Daisuke
  
ga
   
okotta.
         
Daisuke
  
NOM
 
became.angry
         
‘Daisuke became angry.’
Transitive
     
Shoohei
 
ga
   
raamen
  
o
   
tabeteiru.
         
Shohei
  
NOM
 
ramen
  
ACC
 
is.eating
         
‘Shohei is eating ramen.’
 
Intransitive (Step 1/4): Build v*P
 
Intransitive (Step 2/4): VP spell-out
No cases assigned
because no DPs
within the VP
 
Intransitive (Step 3/4): Build CP
Assuming EPP of
subject but this
doesn’t matter
 
Intransitive (Step 4/4): TP spell-out
 
What case is assigned to 
Daisuke
?
 
Lexical case
  
No lexical assigner.
Dependent case
  
No c-command relations.
Unmarked case
  
NOM is the unmarked case in a
TP.
 
Transitive (Step 1/4): Build v*P
 
Transitive (Step 2/4): VP spell-out
 
Why doesn’t the object get NOM?
 
Because unmarked case is a 
last
resort
. ACC assignment happens
at TP spell-out, so the object can
wait until then.
ACC assignment
If DP1 c-commands DP2 in a 
TP
,
assign ACC to DP2.
 
Transitive (Step 3/4): Build CP
 
Transitive (Step 4/4): TP spell-out
 
What case is assigned to 
raamen
?
 
Lexical case
  
No lexical assigner.
Dependent case
  
c-commanded by 
Shoohei
.
Unmarked case
 
Problematic data: object case alternation (1/2)
 
Most transitive verbs only allow either NOM or ACC on the object,
i.e. the choice of object case is not free.
taberu
 ‘eat’:
    
raamen
  
*ga/o 
    
tabe-ru
     
    
ramen
  
*NOM/ACC
 
eat-PRES
         
‘I eat ramen.’
mieru
 ‘can see’:
   
fujisan
  
ga/*o
    
mie-ru
         
Mt.Fuji
  
NOM/*ACC
 
can.see-PRES
         
‘I can see Mt. Fuji.’
 
Problematic data: object case alternation (2/2)
 
Desiderative/potential forms of certain verbs allow NOM/ACC alternation:
tabe-
tai
 ‘want to eat’:
raamen
 
ga/o
    
tabe-ta-i.
 
ramen
 
NOM/ACC
  
eat-DES-PRES
‘I want to eat ramen.’
mie-
tai
 ‘want to be able to see’:
(hachi no yooni)
 
shigaisen
 
ga/*o 
   
mie-ta-i.
(like bees)
   
UV.light
  
NOM/*ACC
 
can.see-DES-PRES
‘I want to be able to see UV light (like bees).’
tabe-
(ra)reru
 ‘be able to eat’:
serori
  
ga/o
    
tabe-(ra)re-na-i
celery
  
NOM/ACC
  
eat-POT-NEG-PRES
‘I can’t eat celeries.’
 
Japanese case assignment patterns
 
Pattern
   
Can we get it in DCT?
NOM
   
NOM-ACC
  
NOM-NOM
  
We need to be able
to generate this
 
Languages vary in how they mark the indefinite object (theme) in
ditransitive constructions.
Cuzco Quechua
NOM-DAT-ACC
Sakha
NOM-DAT-NOM
 
A similar problem in Baker (2015)
 
Can the object “wait” until TP spell out?
 
Recall that in the derivation of
NOM-ACC, the object was
allowed to wait until TP spell out
to get ACC, which is preferred
over NOM.
But if the object is not allowed to
wait and must get case
immediately, the object should
receive NOM.
Wait
 to get ACC
Don’t wait
, just get NOM
 
v as hard or soft phase head
 
Baker (2015, 149):
If v is a 
hard phase head
, then the
contents of its VP complement are
invisible
 for the subsequent syntactic
derivation after spelling out.
If v is a 
soft phase head
, then the
contents of its VP complement
undergo spell out (e.g. they may get
their case features fixed) but they
remain 
active
 in the derivation.
Cuzco Quechua
has a 
soft v*
Sakha
has a 
hard v*
Object must get NOM now
Object can wait for ACC
 
Apply this to Japanese
 
Verb (stem)s are only selected by
one kind of v*.
If a verb V is selected by soft v*
only, then V+DES is selected by
both kinds of v*.
 
Hard v* 
 NOM on object.
Soft v* 
 ACC on object.
 
DES is selected by a hard v*
 
A stronger conclusion from:
If a verb V is selected by soft v* only, then V+DES is selected by both
kinds of v*.
 
Why? We have the verb 
mieru
, which is selected by hard v* only:
mie-
tai
 ‘can.see-DES;want to be able to see’:
(hachi no yooni)
 
shigaisen
 
ga/*o 
   
mie-ta-i.
(like bees)
   
UV.light
  
NOM/*ACC
 
can.see-DES-PRES
‘I want to be able to see UV light (like bees).’
 
“Selectability” by projection
 
Motivation for the soft/hard distinction?
 
Baker (2015) doesn’t have to provide this, but we have to
 
Jacobsen (2018): ACC 
 intentionality
 
Jacobsen (2018, 17): “The presence of intentional meaning is a
necessary condition on the occurrence of accusative 
o
.”
“Subject intentionality tests”
Deguchi
  
o
   
sagas-
e
 /
   
sagas-
e-nai
 /
    
sagas-
ou
!
Exit
   
ACC
 
look.for-
IMP
 /
 
look.for-
POT-NEG
 /
 
look.for-
VOL
‘Look for the exit! / I can’t look for the exit. / Let’s look for the exit!’
Kotae
   
ga
   
#wakar-
e
 /
  
#wakar-
e-nai
 /
    
#wakar-
ou
!
Answer
  
NOM
 
get-
IMP
 /
   
get-
POT-NEG
 /
   
get-
VOL
‘#Get the answer! / #I can’t get the answer. / #Let’s get the answer!
 
Motivation for the soft/hard distinction
 
Soft v* induces an intentional reading on the subject.
 
 
 
 
 
What about hard v*?
(In progress) could be other properties, e.g. stativity.
 
Do intentionality tests apply to desideratives?
 
Problem:
 
the desiderative suffix is an adjectival suffix,
  
but intentionality tests involve attaching verbal suffixes
Solution: 
 
add (light) verbal 
suru
 ‘cause’ after desiderative,
 
  
e.g.
 
tabe-tai
 ‘eat-DES, want to eat’ 
   
tabe-taku-suru
 ‘eat-DES-CAUSE, cause to want to eat’
 
Pan o tabetakusuru
 
Problematic data: subject case alternation
 
Certain verbs allow DAT/NOM alternation on the subject
and assigns NOM to the object:
hitsuyoo-da
 ‘need’:
Jun
  
ni/ga
   
okane
 
ga
   
hitsuyoo
  
da.
Jun
  
DAT/NOM
 
money
 
NOM
  
necessary
 
COP
‘Jun needs money.’
kikoeru 
‘can hear’:
Kaoru
 
ni/ga 
   
henna
 
oto
  
ga
   
kikoeru.
Kaoru
 
DAT/NOM
 
strange
 
sound
 
NOM
  
can.hear
‘Kaoru is hearing strange sounds.’
dekiru
 ‘be able to’:
Uma
  
ni/ga
    
kuchikokyuu
  
ga
   
deki-nai
horse
  
DAT/NOM
  
mouth.breathing
 
NOM
  
be.able.to-NEG
‘Horses can’t breathe through their mouths.’
 
Other occurrences of “subject” DAT
 
(Syntactic) causatives
Watashi
 
ga
   
kodomo
 
ni
  
heya
 
o
  
sooji-sase-ta.
I
   
NOM
  
child
  
DAT
 
room
 
ACC
 
clean-CAUSE-PAST
‘I made the kids clean the room.’
Expressing desire with 
te
 form + 
hoshii
 ‘want’
Watashi
 
ga
   
kodomo
 
ni
  
heya
 
o
  
sooji-shite-hoshii.
I
   
NOM
  
child
  
DAT
 
room
 
ACC
 
clean-do-want
‘I want the kids would clean the room.’
ni
-passives
Kentaro
 
ga
   
ie
   
kara
 
oidas-are-ta.
Kentaro
 
NOM
  
house
  
ABL
 
kick.out-PASS-PAST
‘Kentaro got kicked out from the house.’
 
DAT in DCT
 
Baker (2010, 2015) considers similar psych/possessive verbs in Sakha,
Ingush, Tamil with DAT-NOM and DAT-ACC patterns
DAT on subject can come from:
Dependent case assignment:
If NP1 c-commands NP2 in a VP, assign DAT to NP1.
PP subject:
Certain adpositions assign DAT to its complement as lexical case.
 
Sources of subject DAT (in progress)
DAT by dependent case
DAT by adposition
te
 form + 
hoshii
 ‘want’
Kodomo ni heya o sooji shite hoshii.
I want the kids to clean the room.
DAT/NOM alternation
Jun ni okane ga hitsuyoo da.
Jun needs money.
Syntactic causatives
Kodomo ni heya o sooji saseta.
I made the kids clean the room.
ni
-passives
Kentaro ga ie kara oidasareta.
Kentaro got kicked out from the house.
 
Sources of subject DAT (in progress)
 
Experiencer subjects do not raise
out of [Spec; VP] position
EPP-movement to [Spec; TP] is
unnecessary for non-finite VPs
DAT by adposition
te
 form + 
hoshii
 ‘want’
Kodomo ni heya o sooji shite hoshii.
I want the kids to clean the room.
DAT/NOM alternation
Jun ni okane ga hitsuyoo da.
Jun needs money.
 
Sources of subject DAT (in progress)
 
Causativization and passivization
are valency operations, which are
syntactic alternations
DAT by dependent case
Syntactic causatives
Kodomo ni heya o sooji saseta.
I made the kids clean the room.
ni
-passives
Kentaro ga ie kara oidasareta.
Kentaro got kicked out from the house.
 
Why is DCT better than Agree-based theory?
 
Inherent advantages of using DCT
Japanese doesn’t have overt agreement
DCT covers a wide variety of language already
Theoretical advantages
Elimination of Case-features from narrow syntax
Better explanation between object case and semantic property of agent
 
Case-features and uninterpretability
 
The ideal definition of uninterpretability:
A feature is uninterpretable iff it is unvalued.
 
Case-features break this definition while
everything else don’t
Phi-features
Wh-features
EPP-features
 
Explaining the “ACC 
 intentionality”
observation
 
In an Agree-based theory,
v* is responsible for selecting an agent
V is responsible for case assignment to object
 
This separation of roles makes it difficult to explain Jacobsen’s
observation “verbs that assign ACC have an intentional agent”
“Inheritance” from v* to V does exist, but is very stipulative (Tonoike
2019)
 
Explaining the “ACC 
 intentionality”
observation
 
In our DCT-based approach, this receives a nice explanation
Soft v* induces intentionality, while hard v* does not
 
A syntactic property is linked with a semantic property
 
Selected references
 
Baker, Mark, and Nadezhda Vinokurova. Two modalities of case assignment in Sakha. In 
Natural
Language and Linguistic Theory, 
28:593—642, 2010.
Baker, Mark. 
Case: Its Principles and its Parameters. 
Cambridge University Press, 2015.
Jacobsen, Wesley M. Transitivity. In Masayoshi Shitabani, Shigeru Miyagawa, and Hisashi Noda,
editors, 
Handbook of Japanese Syntax,
 pages 55—96. De Gruyter Mouton, 2018.
Marantz, Alec. Case and licensing. In 
Proceedings of the Eighth Eastern States Conference on
Linguistics, 
pages 234—253. Ohio State University, 1991.
Rude, Noel. Topicality, transitivity and the direct object in Nez Perce. In 
International Journal of
American Linguistics, 
52:124—153. 1986.
Tonoike, Shigeo. 
Minimarisuto nichieigo hikaku tougoron (Minimalist Japanese-English
comparative syntax).
 Kaitakusha, 2019.
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Dependent case theory challenges traditional views on case assignment, particularly in the context of Japanese grammar. This theory argues for a different approach to case assignment based on interpretative processes rather than licensing conditions. The theory is explored in-depth, discussing necessary modifications for Japanese grammar and why it is considered a valuable theoretical framework. Various aspects of case assignment, types of cases, and their relevance in different linguistic contexts are examined, shedding light on the complexities of case phenomena in Japanese linguistics.

  • Japanese linguistics
  • Dependent case theory
  • Case assignment
  • Syntax
  • Linguistic theory

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  1. Dependent case in Japanese Satoru Ozaki Carnegie Mellon University

  2. Big picture 1. Dependent case theory is a good theory 2. But it doesn t work for Japanese 1. NOM/ACC case alternation on the object 2. DAT/NOM case alternation on the subject 3. What are the necessary modifications? 4. For Japanese, why is dependent case theory the best theoretical option among others?

  3. Intro to dependent case theory (DCT) Theory if case proposed by Marantz (1991), Baker (2015), etc. How is it different from Chomskian theories of case?

  4. Big diff: Case assignment is not licensing but an interpretative process Linearization (LCA) Case Filter Visibility condition Distributed Morphology Case-features are uninterpretable Unvalued phi- features are uninterpretable Case assignment Licensing conditions Interpretative process

  5. When/where does Case assignment happen? Just like phi-feature Agree(ment) Just like linearization Chomskian Case Theory: Anytime during the derivation when there is Agree(ment) between a Probe and a Goal Dependent case theory: During Spell-Out of a category that contains something that can receive case, e.g. DP/NP

  6. Different types of cases Lexical case e.g. quirky cases in Icelandic, adpositions Dependent case e.g. accusative (ACC), ergative (ERG) Unmarked case (last resort) e.g. nominative (NOM)/absolutive (ABS), genitive (GEN) most specific most preferred least specific least preferred

  7. Dependent case: ACC, ERG Accusative languages ACC assignment If DP1 c-commands DP2 in a TP, assign ACC to DP2. ERG assignment If DP1 c-commands DP2 in a TP, assign ERG to DP1. Only applies when there are 2 argumental DPs in a clause Ergative languages

  8. Case availability as a parameter Accusative languages Only ACC is available Ergative languages Only ERG is available Tripartite languages Both ACC and ERG available Rude (1986) (cited by Baker 2015) If ACC is available If ERG is available Intransitive subject N/A N/A Transitive subject ergative N/A Transitive object accusative N/A

  9. Applying DCT to Japanese Japanese is an accusative language (?) Consider: Intransitive Daisuke ga okotta. Daisuke NOM became.angry Daisuke became angry. Transitive Shoohei ga raamen o tabeteiru. Shohei NOM ramen ACC is.eating Shohei is eating ramen.

  10. Intransitive (Step 1/4): Build v*P

  11. Intransitive (Step 2/4): VP spell-out No cases assigned because no DPs within the VP

  12. Intransitive (Step 3/4): Build CP Assuming EPP of subject but this doesn t matter

  13. Intransitive (Step 4/4): TP spell-out What case is assigned to Daisuke? Lexical case No lexical assigner. Dependent case No c-command relations. Unmarked case NOM is the unmarked case in a TP.

  14. Transitive (Step 1/4): Build v*P

  15. Transitive (Step 2/4): VP spell-out Why doesn t the object get NOM? Because unmarked case is a last resort. ACC assignment happens at TP spell-out, so the object can wait until then. ACC assignment If DP1 c-commands DP2 in a TP, assign ACC to DP2.

  16. Transitive (Step 3/4): Build CP

  17. Transitive (Step 4/4): TP spell-out What case is assigned to raamen? Lexical case No lexical assigner. Dependent case c-commanded by Shoohei. Unmarked case

  18. Problematic data: object case alternation (1/2) Most transitive verbs only allow either NOM or ACC on the object, i.e. the choice of object case is not free. taberu eat : raamen *ga/o tabe-ru ramen *NOM/ACC eat-PRES I eat ramen. mieru can see : fujisan ga/*o mie-ru Mt.Fuji NOM/*ACC can.see-PRES I can see Mt. Fuji.

  19. Problematic data: object case alternation (2/2) Desiderative/potential forms of certain verbs allow NOM/ACC alternation: tabe-tai want to eat : raamen ga/o tabe-ta-i. ramen NOM/ACC eat-DES-PRES I want to eat ramen. mie-tai want to be able to see : (hachi no yooni) shigaisen ga/*o (like bees) UV.light NOM/*ACC can.see-DES-PRES I want to be able to see UV light (like bees). tabe-(ra)reru be able to eat : serori ga/o tabe-(ra)re-na-i celery NOM/ACC eat-POT-NEG-PRES I can t eat celeries. mie-ta-i.

  20. Japanese case assignment patterns Pattern NOM NOM-ACC NOM-NOM Can we get it in DCT? We need to be able to generate this

  21. A similar problem in Baker (2015) Languages vary in how they mark the indefinite object (theme) in ditransitive constructions. Cuzco Quechua NOM-DAT-ACC Sakha NOM-DAT-NOM

  22. Can the object wait until TP spell out? Recall that in the derivation of NOM-ACC, the object was allowed to wait until TP spell out to get ACC, which is preferred over NOM. But if the object is not allowed to wait and must get case immediately, the object should receive NOM. Wait to get ACC Don t wait, just get NOM

  23. v as hard or soft phase head Cuzco Quechua has a soft v* Baker (2015, 149): If v is a hard phase head, then the contents of its VP complement are invisible for the subsequent syntactic derivation after spelling out. If v is a soft phase head, then the contents of its VP complement undergo spell out (e.g. they may get their case features fixed) but they remain active in the derivation. Object can wait for ACC Sakha has a hard v* Object must get NOM now

  24. Apply this to Japanese Verb (stem)s are only selected by one kind of v*. If a verb V is selected by soft v* only, then V+DES is selected by both kinds of v*. Hard v* NOM on object. Soft v* ACC on object.

  25. DES is selected by a hard v* A stronger conclusion from: If a verb V is selected by soft v* only, then V+DES is selected by both kinds of v*. Why? We have the verb mieru, which is selected by hard v* only: mie-tai can.see-DES;want to be able to see : (hachi no yooni) shigaisen ga/*o (like bees) UV.light NOM/*ACC can.see-DES-PRES I want to be able to see UV light (like bees). mie-ta-i.

  26. Selectability by projection

  27. Motivation for the soft/hard distinction? Baker (2015) doesn t have to provide this, but we have to

  28. Jacobsen (2018): ACC intentionality Jacobsen (2018, 17): The presence of intentional meaning is a necessary condition on the occurrence of accusative o. Subject intentionality tests Deguchi o sagas-e / sagas-e-nai / sagas-ou! Exit ACC look.for-IMP / look.for-POT-NEG / look.for-VOL Look for the exit! / I can t look for the exit. / Let s look for the exit! Kotae ga #wakar-e / #wakar-e-nai / #wakar-ou! Answer NOM get-IMP / get-POT-NEG / get-VOL #Get the answer! / #I can t get the answer. / #Let s get the answer!

  29. Motivation for the soft/hard distinction Soft v* induces an intentional reading on the subject. What about hard v*? (In progress) could be other properties, e.g. stativity.

  30. Problematic data: subject case alternation Certain verbs allow DAT/NOM alternation on the subject and assigns NOM to the object: hitsuyoo-da need : Jun ni/ga okane Jun DAT/NOM money NOM Jun needs money. kikoeru can hear : Kaoru ni/ga henna Kaoru DAT/NOM strange sound Kaoru is hearing strange sounds. dekiru be able to : Uma ni/ga kuchikokyuu horse DAT/NOM mouth.breathing NOM Horses can t breathe through their mouths. ga hitsuyoo necessary COP da. oto ga NOM kikoeru. can.hear ga deki-nai be.able.to-NEG

  31. Other occurrences of subject DAT (Syntactic) causatives Watashi ga I I made the kids clean the room. Expressing desire with te form + hoshii want Watashi ga kodomo ni I NOM child I want the kids would clean the room. ni-passives Kentaro ga ie Kentaro NOM house Kentaro got kicked out from the house. kodomo ni child heya o sooji-sase-ta. DAT room ACC clean-CAUSE-PAST NOM heya o sooji-shite-hoshii. DAT room ACC clean-do-want kara oidas-are-ta. ABL kick.out-PASS-PAST

  32. DAT in DCT Baker (2010, 2015) considers similar psych/possessive verbs in Sakha, Ingush, Tamil with DAT-NOM and DAT-ACC patterns DAT on subject can come from: Dependent case assignment: If NP1 c-commands NP2 in a VP, assign DAT to NP1. PP subject: Certain adpositions assign DAT to its complement as lexical case.

  33. Sources of subject DAT (in progress) Syntactic causatives Kodomo ni heya o sooji saseta. I made the kids clean the room. DAT/NOM alternation Jun ni okane ga hitsuyoo da. Jun needs money. ni-passives Kentaro ga ie kara oidasareta. Kentaro got kicked out from the house. te form + hoshii want Kodomo ni heya o sooji shite hoshii. I want the kids to clean the room. DAT by dependent case DAT by adposition

  34. Sources of subject DAT (in progress) Experiencer subjects do not raise out of [Spec; VP] position EPP-movement to [Spec; TP] is unnecessary for non-finite VPs DAT/NOM alternation Jun ni okane ga hitsuyoo da. Jun needs money. te form + hoshii want Kodomo ni heya o sooji shite hoshii. I want the kids to clean the room. DAT by adposition

  35. Sources of subject DAT (in progress) Causativization and passivization are valency operations, which are syntactic alternations Syntactic causatives Kodomo ni heya o sooji saseta. I made the kids clean the room. ni-passives Kentaro ga ie kara oidasareta. Kentaro got kicked out from the house. DAT by dependent case

  36. Why is DCT better than Agree-based theory? Inherent advantages of using DCT Japanese doesn t have overt agreement DCT covers a wide variety of language already Theoretical advantages Elimination of Case-features from narrow syntax Better explanation between object case and semantic property of agent

  37. Case-features and uninterpretability The ideal definition of uninterpretability: A feature is uninterpretable iff it is unvalued. Case-features break this definition while everything else don t Phi-features Wh-features EPP-features

  38. Explaining the ACC intentionality observation In an Agree-based theory, v* is responsible for selecting an agent V is responsible for case assignment to object This separation of roles makes it difficult to explain Jacobsen s observation verbs that assign ACC have an intentional agent Inheritance from v* to V does exist, but is very stipulative (Tonoike 2019)

  39. Explaining the ACC intentionality observation In our DCT-based approach, this receives a nice explanation Soft v* induces intentionality, while hard v* does not A syntactic property is linked with a semantic property

  40. Selected references Baker, Mark, and Nadezhda Vinokurova. Two modalities of case assignment in Sakha. In Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 28:593 642, 2010. Baker, Mark. Case: Its Principles and its Parameters. Cambridge University Press, 2015. Jacobsen, Wesley M. Transitivity. In Masayoshi Shitabani, Shigeru Miyagawa, and Hisashi Noda, editors, Handbook of Japanese Syntax, pages 55 96. De Gruyter Mouton, 2018. Marantz, Alec. Case and licensing. In Proceedings of the Eighth Eastern States Conference on Linguistics, pages 234 253. Ohio State University, 1991. Rude, Noel. Topicality, transitivity and the direct object in Nez Perce. In International Journal of American Linguistics, 52:124 153. 1986. Tonoike, Shigeo. Minimarisuto nichieigo hikaku tougoron (Minimalist Japanese-English comparative syntax). Kaitakusha, 2019.

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