Challenges and Approaches in Feminist Critique of Globalization

 
Feminist Perspective
 
The contemporary ‘movement of movements’
must surmount some 
key organizational and
ideological hurdles
 to challenge the hegemony of
neo-liberal globalization. The failures of neo-
liberalism to address serious global problems
bring the realization that there is need for a
“counter-hegemonic globalization,” 
defined as a
globally organized project of transformation
aimed at replacing the dominant (hegemonic)
global regime with one that maximizes
democratic political control 
and makes the
equitable development of human capabilities
and environmental stewardship 
its priorities.
 
Different Feminist Approaches
 
‘Feminist theoretical approaches to
globalization’ is an 
umbrella term 
that refers
to a number of specific theoretical approaches
that feminists have used 
to articulate the
challenges that globalization poses
 for
women, people of color, and the global poor.
These various approaches include those
developed by 
postcolonial feminists,
transnational feminists, and feminists who
endorse an ethics of care.
 
Key Features
 
Feminist approaches to globalization seek to provide
frameworks for understanding the 
gender injustices
associated with globalization
. Rather than developing
all-encompassing ideal theories of global justice
feminist philosophers tend to adopt the non-ideal
theoretical perspectives, which 
focus on specific,
concrete issues.
 
Early feminist analyses
 focused on
issues that were widely believed to be of particular
importance to women around the world, such as
domestic violence, workplace discrimination, and
human rights violations against women. Many feminist
philosophers view this approach as 
too narrow, both in
terms of the specific issues it addresses and its
methodological approach 
to these issues.
 
Limitations of Early Feminists
 
 Moreover, by addressing specific global “women’s issues”
as independent phenomena, 
early feminist analyses failed
to take into account the systematic and structural
gendered injustices associated with neoliberalism.
Although gender oppression takes different forms in
different social, cultural, and geographical locations,
women in every society face systematic disadvantages,
such as those resulting from their socially assigned
responsibility for domestic work.
Because of these structural injustices, 
women of all
nationalities tend to suffer more 
from the 
poverty,
overwork, deprivation, and political marginalization
associated with neoliberal policies.
Thus, more recent feminist analyses of globalization tend to
understand the 
outcomes of globalization not as disparate
or contingent phenomena
, but rather as a result of
systematic, structural injustices on a global scale.
 
Key Features (Contd.)
 
Another key feature of feminist approaches to
globalization is a 
shared commitment to core feminist
values, 
including an opposition to the subordination of
women.
Many feminists also use the
 language of human rights
to address the challenges of globalization. While they
acknowledge that traditional understandings of human
rights are implicitly male-biased, they contend that
feminist rearticulations
 of these norms can help to
identify the gendered harms
 involved in sexual slavery,
forced domestic labor, and the systematic withholding
of education, food, and healthcare from women and
girls that follow from severe economic deprivation.
 
Relational Model
 
However, not all feminist political philosophers agree
with this approach. Some believe that 
new feminist
ideals, such as relational understandings of power,
collective responsibility, and mutual dependence,
 are
needed to diagnose the gender injustices associated
with globalization.
For example, 
Iris Marion Young 
argues that the
traditional ideal theories of justice are unable to
account
 for the unjust background conditions that
contribute to the 
development of sweatshops
 in the
global South.
She argues that 
a new relational model of
responsibility,
 which she calls the 
social connection
model,
 is needed to articulate the 
obligations that
people in affluent northern countries have to workers
in the global South.
 
Social Connection Model of Iris Marion
Young
 
The social connection model holds that
individuals bear responsibility for structural
injustices,
 such as those suffered by workers on
the global assembly line, because our actions
contribute to the institutional processes that
produce such injustices.
 In particular, 
northern consumers have a
responsibility 
to organize collectively to reform
the injustices associated with sweatshop labor.
 
Feminist Methodologies
 
The third key feature of feminist approaches to
globalization is an emphasis on 
feminist methodologies
. In
particular, these approaches tend to embody three key
methodological commitments.
The first is 
intersectionality,
 which maintains that systems
of oppression interact to produce injustices, and thus, that
gender injustices cannot be understood solely in terms of
sex or gender.
Feminists who theorize about justice on the domestic level
argue that 
women’s experiences of gender oppression are
shaped by other forms of oppression
, such as those based
on 
race, class, disability, and sexual orientation.
 Feminist
theorists of globalization contend that gender oppression
interacts with these systems of oppression, along with
other forms of systematic disadvantage
 that arise within
the global context.
 
Methodological Commitments (contd.)
 
Given this broad conception of intersectionality,
feminist theorists of globalization insist that gender
injustices arise within specific transnational contexts,
such as 
historical relationships among nations and
current global economic policies.
The second methodological commitment shared by
feminist approaches to globalization is a 
sensitivity to
context and concrete specificity
. Feminist philosophers
strive to accurately reflect the diverse interests,
experience, and concerns of women throughout the
world, and to take seriously 
differences in culture,
history, and socio-economic and political
circumstances.
 
A View Different from that of the
“International Feminists”
 
This has led some feminist theorists of globalization to
distinguish their views from well-known feminists, such
as 
Martha Nussbaum 
and 
Susan Okin
, whom
 Ackerly
and Attanasi 
refer to as
 “international feminists” 
by
virtue of their methodological commitments.
 
In their
view, 
Nussbaum and Okin do not pay sufficient
attention to the ways that justice and injustice are
mediated by local conditions in their attempts to
identify universal moral ideals.
 As a result, their
theories 
tend to privilege Western perspectives
 and
undermine their own commitment to reflecting
women’s lived experience (Ackerly and Attanasi 2009).
 
Self-reflexive Critiques
 
Finally, feminist theorists of globalization are committed to
developing self-reflexive critiques. At the heart of this
methodology is a willingness to 
critically examine feminist
claims, with particular attention to the ways in which
feminist discourses privilege certain points of view.
For instance, 
Schutte
 insists that ostensibly 
universal
feminist values and ideas are likely to embody the values
of dominant cultures.
 This helps to explain why the voices
of women from developing countries are often taken
seriously only if they reflect the norms and values of the
West and conform to Western expectations. Thus, Schutte
insists that 
feminists must engage in methodological
practices that de-center their habitual standpoints and
foreground perspectives that challenge accepted ways of
thinking (Schutte 2002).
 
Rejection of ‘Enlightenment Liberal’
Values
 
Transnational feminists  are urged to reject the problematic
variants of “Enlightenment liberal” values taken to be
central to Western feminism, including individualism,
autonomy, and gender-role eliminativism (Khader 2019, 3).
Such values not only constitute cultural imperialism when
imposed on cultural “others,” as Schutte argues, but also
can serve to justify militarism, political domination,
economic exploitation, and white supremacy in the name
of advancing gender interests (Khader 2019).
 Ackerly argues that feminist theory can be used not only to
critique feminist ideals and values, but also 
to develop
richer ways to evaluate the work done 
by women’s human
rights organizations. Feminist theory is able to engage with,
shape and be shaped by the work being done “on the
ground” by 
NGOs and other group
s (Ackerly 2009).
 
Feminist Theories in the 1980s
 
The struggle to develop feminist theories that embody
these methodological commitments has been ongoing for
feminists. In the 1980s, 
Chandra Talpade Mohanty
observed that Western feminist scholarship tends to
adopt an ethnocentric perspective, depicting so-called
Third-World women as one-dimensional, non-agentic, and
homogenous.
Such scholarship tends to suggest that the average Third
World woman leads an essentially truncated life based on
her feminine gender (read: sexually constrained) and her
being “Third World” (read:
 ignorant, poor, uneducated,
tradition-bound, domestic, family-oriented, victimized,
etc.). 
This, she suggests, is in contrast to the (implicit) 
self-
representation of Western women as educated, as
modern, as having control over their own bodies and
sexualities and the freedom to make their own decisions
(M
ohanty 2003, 22).
 
Feminist Theories in the 1980s
(Contd.)
 
Mohanty claims 
that this perspective leads to a
simplistic understanding of what feminists in
Western countries can do to “help” women in
developing nations.
 Many of the recent
developments in the feminist literature on
globalization can be understood as a response to
this 
theoretical failure
.
 
In addition to recognizing
the ways in which 
power influences the
production of feminist theories,
 feminist critics
of globalization 
strive to understand the ways in
which Western women share responsibility for
gender injustices in developing countries and at
home
, and to articulate their obligations to
eliminate these injustices.
 
Distinctive Feminist Approaches
 
Despite these common aims and methodological
commitments, feminists have analyzed
globalization from a number of different
theoretical perspectives.
It is in the fitness of things to examine here 
three
prominent approaches to globalization,
developed by 
postcolonial and decolonial,
transnational, and ethics of care feminists.
Although it is not possible to draw sharp
boundaries around these theoretical
perspectives, some distinctive features of each
may be identified for the present analysis.
 
Postcolonial and Decolonial Feminisms
 
Postcolonial and decolonial feminisms offer primarily
critical theoretical frameworks, which analyze
globalization within the context of the history of
Western colonialism and imperialism
.
They begin with the claim that Western colonialism
and imperialism have played important roles 
in
shaping the contemporary world, and highlight their
enduring effects on global relations and local cultural
practices.
Although postcolonial and decolonial feminists write
from all over the world, they 
foreground non-
Eurocentric epistemic standpoints and criticize North-
South power asymmetries from the diverse
perspectives
 of members of Indigenous communities
and people in the global South (Herr 2013, Khader
2019, McLaren 2017, Schutte 2002, 2005).
 
Postcolonial and Decolonial---(Contd.)
 
First, they insist that it is impossible to understand local practices in
developing countries without acknowledging the ways in which
these practices have been shaped by their economic and historical
contexts, particularly their connection to Western colonialism and
imperialism.
Thus, postcolonial and decolonial feminists insist that any feminist
analysis of the harms of globalization must take seriously the
history and ongoing cultural, economic, and political effects of
colonialism and imperialism
 
and analysis of suffering of women in
developing countries in simplistic terms often tends to reproduce a
“colonial stance” toward the global South. For example, as
explained earlier, 
Chandra Mohanty sees elements of imperialism
in Western feminist scholarship on women in the global South
.
Similarly, Uma Narayan criticizes feminists for unwittingly adopting
a Eurocentric perspective.
Highlighting the role that colonialism has played in shaping local
practices enables feminists to avoid adopting a Eurocentric
perspective.
 
Postcolonial and Decolonial Feminists’
Attack on Neo-colonialism
 
Postcolonial and decolonial feminists further argue that
although traditional forms of colonialism have formally
ended, 
many aspects of globalization are best understood
as neo-colonial practices.
Multinational corporations and global businesses, largely
centered in Western nations, bring their own colonizing
influence through business models, hegemonic culture,
exploitation of workers, and displacement of traditional
trades.
Old style colonialism often killed or displaced indigenous
peoples; 
the new style of colonialism impoverishes a
culture by swamping society with Western values,
products or ideals
 (Sally Scholz, 2010:139).
 
 
Attack on Neoliberalism
 
More broadly, postcolonial and decolonial feminists
observe that many of the conditions created by
colonialism—
economic inequality and exploitation,
racism, cultural marginalization, and the domination of
the global South by the global North—have been
sustained and intensified by neoliberalism.
Moreover, they argue, 
neoliberal policies and institutions
systematically favor countries in the global North 
to the
detriment of southern nations. International trade policies
serve Western interests even while claiming to be politically
neutral and fair.
Global economic institutions also privilege Western
culture and political norms, presenting them as models for
the rest of the world,
 while ignoring and marginalizing the
claims of women’s and indigenous movements in the global
South as well as settler nations (Weendon 2002).
 
Attack on Neoliberalism (Contd.)
 
Since appeals to so-called 
universal concepts,
epistemologies, and values, such as freedom,
rights, and autonomy, can be used to further
imperialist projects,
 postcolonial and decolonial
feminists seek to 
develop normative positions
that criticize neoliberal and neocolonial
practices while rejecting problematic
ethnocentric ideals that often masquerade as
universal 
(Alcoff 2017, Khader, 2019, McLaren
2017, Pohlhaus Jr. 2017, Weir 2017).
 
Ethic of Care Feminists
 
 This school of feminist theoretical responses to
globalization 
puts care, both caring labor—the
work of caring for the young, old, sick, and
disabled, and the everyday maintenance of
households—and the moral ideal of care, at the
center of its analyses.
Proponents of this approach begin by observing
that 
most mainstream analyses of globalization
either ignore or devalue care which is
problematic for at least three reasons:
 
Ignoring or Devaluing Care
Problematic for Three Reasons
 
i.
Care work, which is 
done almost exclusively by
women, 
has been profoundly 
influenced by
globalization;
ii.
The 
values and work associated with care are both
undervalued and insufficiently supported, and this
contributes to gender, racial, and economic
inequality, both within countries and between the
global North and the global South
; and
iii.
Any viable 
alternative to neoliberal globalization
must 
prioritize the moral ideal of care.
 Thus, ethics
of care approaches to globalization have both
theoretical and practical dimensions.
 
Assumptions of Neoliberalism
Chellenged
 
In their view, 
neoliberalism presupposes a
problematic notion of the self, which posits
individuals as atomistic, independent, and self-
interested
, and an inaccurate social ontology, which
suggests that human relationships are formed by
choice rather than necessity or dependency.
 These assumptions lead neoliberalism to 
prioritize
economic growth, efficiency, and profit making over
other values, such as equality, human rights, and
care.
 Ethics of care feminists reject these assumptions.
 In their view, 
human beings are fundamentally
relational and interdependent;
 individuals are defined,
indeed 
constituted
, by their caring relationships.
 
Relational Values: The Basis of Just
Forms of Globalization
 
All persons experience long periods during which their 
lives
literally depend on the care of others
, and everyone needs
some degree of care in order flourish.
 Thus, 
vulnerability, dependency, and need 
should be
understood 
not as deficits or limitations
, but rather as
essential human qualities
 requiring an adequate political
response.
Ethics of care feminists contend that 
relational values,
including care
, should form the basis of more 
just forms of
globalization.
Because a global care ethics begins with a relational
ontology, it requires global political leaders to develop
social and economic policies that aim to meet human
needs and reduce suffering rather than to expand markets
and increase economic competition (Hankivsky 2006).
 
Global Duty to Care
 
Held
 endorses a similar view. According to her, an ethic of
care requires leaders to 
foster a global economy that is
capable of meeting universal human needs 
(Held 2004,
2007).
Similarly, 
Miller
 advocates a “
global duty to care,
” which
requires individuals to take responsibility for their role in
contributing to global oppression, and obligates leaders to
advocate for institutions that embody the moral value of
care (Miller 2006).
Concretely, feminist theorists who favor an ethics of care
approach highlight the role of care work in the global
economy and put forth recommendations for reevaluating
it.
 
The Global Distribution of Care Work
 
Robinson 
develops a relational moral ontology that
sheds lights on the features of globalization that are
usually invisible: the global distribution of care work
and the corresponding patterns of gender and racial
inequality.
He highlights on the 
under-provision of public
resources for care work in both developed and
developing countries;
 and the ways in which 
unpaid or
low-paid care work sustains cycles of exploitation and
inequality on a global scale 
(Robinson 2006a, 2006b).
Similarly,
 Held advocates for increased state support
of various forms of care work and for policies
designed to meet people’s needs in caring ways 
(Held
2004, 2007).
 
Transnational Feminism
 
In its broadest sense, transnational feminism maintains
that 
globalization has created the conditions for
feminist solidarity
 across national borders.
On the one hand, globalization has 
enabled
transnational processes that generate injustices for
women in multiple geographical locations,
 such as the
global assembly line. Yet 
on the other, the
technologies associated with globalization have
created new political spaces that enable feminist
political resistance.
Thus, transnational feminists 
incorporate the critical
insights of postcolonial, Third World and ethics of
care feminists into a positive vision
 of transnational
feminist solidarity.
 
Transnational Feminism Vs Global
Feminism
 
However, transnational feminism 
differs from global
feminism in at least three significant respects:
First, 
transnational feminism is sensitive to
differences among women.
 Global feminists argue
that patriarchy is universal; women across the globe
have a common experience of gender oppression. They
promote the recognition of a 
“global sisterhood”
based on these shared experiences, which transcends
differences in race, class, sexuality, and national
boundaries. This solidarity is thought to provide a
unified front against global patriarchy.
 
Transnational Feminism Vs Global
Feminism (Contd.)
 
 
Transnational feminists also 
advocate for solidarity across national
boundaries.
 However, their approach 
emphasizes the
methodological commitments discussed above, specifically
intersectionality, sensitivity to concrete specificity, and self-
reflexivity.
 Transnational feminists are careful to point out that
although globalizing processes affect everyone, they affect different
women very differently, based on their geographical and social
locations. They are also quick to acknowledge that many aspects of
globalization may benefit some women while unduly burdening
many others.
Second, transnational feminist 
solidarity is political in nature.
Whereas global feminists advocate a form of social solidarity
defined on the basis of characteristics shared by all women, such as
a common gender identity or experience of patriarchal oppression,
transnational feminist solidarity is grounded in the
 
political
commitments of individuals, such as the commitment to challenge
injustice or oppression.
 
Transnational Feminist Solidarity Based
on Shared Political Commitments
 
Because transnational feminist solidarity is based on shared
political commitments rather than a common identity or
uniform set of experiences, 
advantaged individuals,
including those who have benefited from injustice, can
join in solidarity with those who have experienced
injustice or oppression directly 
(Ferguson 2009, Scholz
2008).
The emphasis on shared political commitments also
enables feminists to resist oppressive conditions that
manifest differently in different geographical locations but
are nonetheless prevalent in many countries, 
such as
racialized violence against women (Khader 2019, 44–48).
Third, transnational feminists 
focus on specific globalizing
processes, such as the growth of offshore manufacturing,
rather than a theorized global patriarchy
, and often take
existing transnational feminist collectives as a model for
their theoretical accounts of solidarity.
 
Concluding Observations
 
On the whole, globalization presents a number of
challenges to feminist political philosophers 
who seek
to develop conceptions of justice and responsibility
capable of responding to the lived realities of both
men and women.
As globalization will most certainly continue, 
these
challenges are likely to increase in the coming
decades. 
As outlined above, 
feminist political
philosophers have already made great strides
towards understanding this complex phenomenon.
Yet the challenge of how to make globalization fairer
remains for feminist philosophers, as well as all others
who strive for equality and justice.
Slide Note
Embed
Share

The feminist perspective on globalization highlights the need for a counter-hegemonic global regime that prioritizes democratic political control and equitable development. Different feminist approaches address gender injustices, with an emphasis on specific, concrete issues. Early feminist analyses were criticized for overlooking systematic gendered injustices associated with neoliberalism. Feminist values of opposing women's subordination and using human rights language are essential features of feminist critiques of globalization.

  • Feminist critique
  • Globalization challenges
  • Gender injustices
  • Feminist approaches
  • Neoliberalism

Uploaded on Jul 17, 2024 | 1 Views


Download Presentation

Please find below an Image/Link to download the presentation.

The content on the website is provided AS IS for your information and personal use only. It may not be sold, licensed, or shared on other websites without obtaining consent from the author. Download presentation by click this link. If you encounter any issues during the download, it is possible that the publisher has removed the file from their server.

E N D

Presentation Transcript


  1. Feminist Perspective The contemporary movement of movements must surmount some key organizational and ideological hurdles to challenge the hegemony of neo-liberal globalization. The failures of neo- liberalism to address serious global problems bring the realization that there is need for a counter-hegemonic globalization, defined as a globally organized project of transformation aimed at replacing the dominant (hegemonic) global regime with one that maximizes democratic political control and makes the equitable development of human capabilities and environmental stewardship its priorities.

  2. Different Feminist Approaches Feminist theoretical approaches to globalization is an umbrella term that refers to a number of specific theoretical approaches that feminists have used to articulate the challenges that globalization poses for women, people of color, and the global poor. These various approaches include those developed by postcolonial feminists, transnational feminists, and feminists who endorse an ethics of care.

  3. Key Features Feminist approaches to globalization seek to provide frameworks for understanding the gender injustices associated with globalization. Rather than developing all-encompassing ideal theories of global justice feminist philosophers tend to adopt the non-ideal theoretical perspectives, which focus on specific, concrete issues. Early feminist analyses focused on issues that were widely believed to be of particular importance to women around the world, such as domestic violence, workplace discrimination, and human rights violations against women. Many feminist philosophers view this approach as too narrow, both in terms of the specific issues it addresses and its methodological approach to these issues.

  4. Limitations of Early Feminists Moreover, by addressing specific global women s issues as independent phenomena, early feminist analyses failed to take into account the systematic and structural gendered injustices associated with neoliberalism. Although gender oppression takes different forms in different social, cultural, and geographical locations, women in every society face systematic disadvantages, such as those resulting from their socially assigned responsibility for domestic work. Because of these structural injustices, women of all nationalities tend to suffer more from the poverty, overwork, deprivation, and political marginalization associated with neoliberal policies. Thus, more recent feminist analyses of globalization tend to understand the outcomes of globalization not as disparate or contingent phenomena, but rather as a result of systematic, structural injustices on a global scale.

  5. Key Features (Contd.) Another key feature of feminist approaches to globalization is a shared commitment to core feminist values, including an opposition to the subordination of women. Many feminists also use the language of human rights to address the challenges of globalization. While they acknowledge that traditional understandings of human rights are implicitly male-biased, they contend that feminist rearticulations of these norms can help to identify the gendered harms involved in sexual slavery, forced domestic labor, and the systematic withholding of education, food, and healthcare from women and girls that follow from severe economic deprivation.

  6. Relational Model However, not all feminist political philosophers agree with this approach. Some believe that new feminist ideals, such as relational understandings of power, collective responsibility, and mutual dependence, are needed to diagnose the gender injustices associated with globalization. For example, Iris Marion Young argues that the traditional ideal theories of justice are unable to account for the unjust background conditions that contribute to the development of sweatshops in the global South. She argues that a new relational model of responsibility, which she calls the social connection model, is needed to articulate the obligations that people in affluent northern countries have to workers in the global South.

  7. Social Connection Model of Iris Marion Young The social connection model holds that individuals bear responsibility for structural injustices, such as those suffered by workers on the global assembly line, because our actions contribute to the institutional processes that produce such injustices. In particular, northern consumers have a responsibility to organize collectively to reform the injustices associated with sweatshop labor.

  8. Feminist Methodologies The third key feature of feminist approaches to globalization is an emphasis on feminist methodologies. In particular, these approaches tend to embody three key methodological commitments. The first is intersectionality, which maintains that systems of oppression interact to produce injustices, and thus, that gender injustices cannot be understood solely in terms of sex or gender. Feminists who theorize about justice on the domestic level argue that women s experiences of gender oppression are shaped by other forms of oppression, such as those based on race, class, disability, and sexual orientation. Feminist theorists of globalization contend that gender oppression interacts with these systems of oppression, along with other forms of systematic disadvantage that arise within the global context.

  9. Methodological Commitments (contd.) Given this broad conception of intersectionality, feminist theorists of globalization insist that gender injustices arise within specific transnational contexts, such as historical relationships among nations and current global economic policies. The second methodological commitment shared by feminist approaches to globalization is a sensitivity to context and concrete specificity. Feminist philosophers strive to accurately reflect the diverse interests, experience, and concerns of women throughout the world, and to take seriously differences in culture, history, and socio-economic and political circumstances.

  10. A View Different from that of the International Feminists This has led some feminist theorists of globalization to distinguish their views from well-known feminists, such as Martha Nussbaum and Susan Okin, whom Ackerly and Attanasi refer to as international feminists by virtue of their methodological commitments. In their view, Nussbaum and Okin do not pay sufficient attention to the ways that justice and injustice are mediated by local conditions in their attempts to identify universal moral ideals. As a result, their theories tend to privilege Western perspectives and undermine their own commitment to reflecting women s lived experience (Ackerly and Attanasi 2009).

  11. Self-reflexive Critiques Finally, feminist theorists of globalization are committed to developing self-reflexive critiques. At the heart of this methodology is a willingness to critically examine feminist claims, with particular attention to the ways in which feminist discourses privilege certain points of view. For instance, Schutte insists that ostensibly universal feminist values and ideas are likely to embody the values of dominant cultures. This helps to explain why the voices of women from developing countries are often taken seriously only if they reflect the norms and values of the West and conform to Western expectations. Thus, Schutte insists that feminists must engage in methodological practices that de-center their habitual standpoints and foreground perspectives that challenge accepted ways of thinking (Schutte 2002).

  12. Rejection of Enlightenment Liberal Values Transnational feminists are urged to reject the problematic variants of Enlightenment liberal values taken to be central to Western feminism, including individualism, autonomy, and gender-role eliminativism (Khader 2019, 3). Such values not only constitute cultural imperialism when imposed on cultural others, as Schutte argues, but also can serve to justify militarism, political domination, economic exploitation, and white supremacy in the name of advancing gender interests (Khader 2019). Ackerly argues that feminist theory can be used not only to critique feminist ideals and values, but also to develop richer ways to evaluate the work done by women s human rights organizations. Feminist theory is able to engage with, shape and be shaped by the work being done on the ground by NGOs and other groups (Ackerly 2009).

  13. Feminist Theories in the 1980s The struggle to develop feminist theories that embody these methodological commitments has been ongoing for feminists. In the 1980s, Chandra Talpade Mohanty observed that Western feminist scholarship tends to adopt an ethnocentric perspective, depicting so-called Third-World women as one-dimensional, non-agentic, and homogenous. Such scholarship tends to suggest that the average Third World woman leads an essentially truncated life based on her feminine gender (read: sexually constrained) and her being Third World (read: ignorant, poor, uneducated, tradition-bound, domestic, family-oriented, victimized, etc.). This, she suggests, is in contrast to the (implicit) self- representation of Western women as educated, as modern, as having control over their own bodies and sexualities and the freedom to make their own decisions (Mohanty 2003, 22).

  14. Feminist Theories in the 1980s (Contd.) Mohanty claims that this perspective leads to a simplistic understanding of what feminists in Western countries can do to help women in developing nations. Many of the recent developments in the feminist literature on globalization can be understood as a response to this theoretical failure. In addition to recognizing the ways in which power influences the production of feminist theories, feminist critics of globalization strive to understand the ways in which Western women share responsibility for gender injustices in developing countries and at home, and to articulate their obligations to eliminate these injustices.

  15. Distinctive Feminist Approaches Despite these common aims and methodological commitments, feminists have analyzed globalization from a number of different theoretical perspectives. It is in the fitness of things to examine here three prominent approaches to globalization, developed by postcolonial and decolonial, transnational, and ethics of care feminists. Although it is not possible to draw sharp boundaries around these theoretical perspectives, some distinctive features of each may be identified for the present analysis.

  16. Postcolonial and Decolonial Feminisms Postcolonial and decolonial feminisms offer primarily critical theoretical frameworks, which analyze globalization within the context of the history of Western colonialism and imperialism. They begin with the claim that Western colonialism and imperialism have played important roles in shaping the contemporary world, and highlight their enduring effects on global relations and local cultural practices. Although postcolonial and decolonial feminists write from all over the world, they foreground non- Eurocentric epistemic standpoints and criticize North- South power asymmetries from the diverse perspectives of members of Indigenous communities and people in the global South (Herr 2013, Khader 2019, McLaren 2017, Schutte 2002, 2005).

  17. Postcolonial and Decolonial---(Contd.) First, they insist that it is impossible to understand local practices in developing countries without acknowledging the ways in which these practices have been shaped by their economic and historical contexts, particularly their connection to Western colonialism and imperialism. Thus, postcolonial and decolonial feminists insist that any feminist analysis of the harms of globalization must take seriously the history and ongoing cultural, economic, and political effects of colonialism and imperialism and analysis of suffering of women in developing countries in simplistic terms often tends to reproduce a colonial stance toward the global South. For example, as explained earlier, Chandra Mohanty sees elements of imperialism in Western feminist scholarship on women in the global South. Similarly, Uma Narayan criticizes feminists for unwittingly adopting a Eurocentric perspective. Highlighting the role that colonialism has played in shaping local practices enables feminists to avoid adopting a Eurocentric perspective.

  18. Postcolonial and Decolonial Feminists Attack on Neo-colonialism Postcolonial and decolonial feminists further argue that although traditional forms of colonialism have formally ended, many aspects of globalization are best understood as neo-colonial practices. Multinational corporations and global businesses, largely centered in Western nations, bring their own colonizing influence through business models, hegemonic culture, exploitation of workers, and displacement of traditional trades. Old style colonialism often killed or displaced indigenous peoples; the new style of colonialism impoverishes a culture by swamping society with Western values, products or ideals (Sally Scholz, 2010:139).

  19. Attack on Neoliberalism More broadly, postcolonial and decolonial feminists observe that many of the conditions created by colonialism economic inequality and exploitation, racism, cultural marginalization, and the domination of the global South by the global North have been sustained and intensified by neoliberalism. Moreover, they argue, neoliberal policies and institutions systematically favor countries in the global North to the detriment of southern nations. International trade policies serve Western interests even while claiming to be politically neutral and fair. Global economic institutions also privilege Western culture and political norms, presenting them as models for the rest of the world, while ignoring and marginalizing the claims of women s and indigenous movements in the global South as well as settler nations (Weendon 2002).

  20. Attack on Neoliberalism (Contd.) Since appeals to so-called universal concepts, epistemologies, and values, such as freedom, rights, and autonomy, can be used to further imperialist projects, postcolonial and decolonial feminists seek to develop normative positions that criticize neoliberal and neocolonial practices while rejecting problematic ethnocentric ideals that often masquerade as universal (Alcoff 2017, Khader, 2019, McLaren 2017, Pohlhaus Jr. 2017, Weir 2017).

  21. Ethic of Care Feminists This school of feminist theoretical responses to globalization puts care, both caring labor the work of caring for the young, old, sick, and disabled, and the everyday maintenance of households and the moral ideal of care, at the center of its analyses. Proponents of this approach begin by observing that most mainstream analyses of globalization either ignore or devalue care which is problematic for at least three reasons:

  22. Ignoring or Devaluing Care Problematic for Three Reasons i. Care work, which is done almost exclusively by women, has been profoundly influenced by globalization; The values and work associated with care are both undervalued and insufficiently supported, and this contributes to gender, racial, and economic inequality, both within countries and between the global North and the global South; and iii. Any viable alternative to neoliberal globalization must prioritize the moral ideal of care. Thus, ethics of care approaches to globalization have both theoretical and practical dimensions. ii.

  23. Assumptions of Neoliberalism Chellenged In their view, neoliberalism presupposes a problematic notion of the self, which posits individuals as atomistic, independent, and self- interested, and an inaccurate social ontology, which suggests that human relationships are formed by choice rather than necessity or dependency. These assumptions lead neoliberalism to prioritize economic growth, efficiency, and profit making over other values, such as equality, human rights, and care. Ethics of care feminists reject these assumptions. In their view, human beings are fundamentally relational and interdependent; individuals are defined, indeed constituted, by their caring relationships.

  24. Relational Values: The Basis of Just Forms of Globalization All persons experience long periods during which their lives literally depend on the care of others, and everyone needs some degree of care in order flourish. Thus, vulnerability, dependency, and need should be understood not as deficits or limitations, but rather as essential human qualities requiring an adequate political response. Ethics of care feminists contend that relational values, including care, should form the basis of more just forms of globalization. Because a global care ethics begins with a relational ontology, it requires global political leaders to develop social and economic policies that aim to meet human needs and reduce suffering rather than to expand markets and increase economic competition (Hankivsky 2006).

  25. Global Duty to Care Held endorses a similar view. According to her, an ethic of care requires leaders to foster a global economy that is capable of meeting universal human needs (Held 2004, 2007). Similarly, Miller advocates a global duty to care, which requires individuals to take responsibility for their role in contributing to global oppression, and obligates leaders to advocate for institutions that embody the moral value of care (Miller 2006). Concretely, feminist theorists who favor an ethics of care approach highlight the role of care work in the global economy and put forth recommendations for reevaluating it.

  26. The Global Distribution of Care Work Robinson develops a relational moral ontology that sheds lights on the features of globalization that are usually invisible: the global distribution of care work and the corresponding patterns of gender and racial inequality. He highlights on the under-provision of public resources for care work in both developed and developing countries; and the ways in which unpaid or low-paid care work sustains cycles of exploitation and inequality on a global scale (Robinson 2006a, 2006b). Similarly, Held advocates for increased state support of various forms of care work and for policies designed to meet people s needs in caring ways (Held 2004, 2007).

  27. Transnational Feminism In its broadest sense, transnational feminism maintains that globalization has created the conditions for feminist solidarity across national borders. On the one hand, globalization has enabled transnational processes that generate injustices for women in multiple geographical locations, such as the global assembly line. Yet on the other, the technologies associated with globalization have created new political spaces that enable feminist political resistance. Thus, transnational feminists incorporate the critical insights of postcolonial, Third World and ethics of care feminists into a positive vision of transnational feminist solidarity.

  28. Transnational Feminism Vs Global Feminism However, transnational feminism differs from global feminism in at least three significant respects: First, transnational feminism is sensitive to differences among women. Global feminists argue that patriarchy is universal; women across the globe have a common experience of gender oppression. They promote the recognition of a global sisterhood based on these shared experiences, which transcends differences in race, class, sexuality, and national boundaries. This solidarity is thought to provide a unified front against global patriarchy.

  29. Transnational Feminism Vs Global Feminism (Contd.) Transnational feminists also advocate for solidarity across national boundaries. However, their approach emphasizes the methodological commitments discussed above, specifically intersectionality, sensitivity to concrete specificity, and self- reflexivity. Transnational feminists are careful to point out that although globalizing processes affect everyone, they affect different women very differently, based on their geographical and social locations. They are also quick to acknowledge that many aspects of globalization may benefit some women while unduly burdening many others. Second, transnational feminist solidarity is political in nature. Whereas global feminists advocate a form of social solidarity defined on the basis of characteristics shared by all women, such as a common gender identity or experience of patriarchal oppression, transnational feminist solidarity is grounded in the political commitments of individuals, such as the commitment to challenge injustice or oppression.

  30. Transnational Feminist Solidarity Based on Shared Political Commitments Because transnational feminist solidarity is based on shared political commitments rather than a common identity or uniform set of experiences, advantaged individuals, including those who have benefited from injustice, can join in solidarity with those who have experienced injustice or oppression directly (Ferguson 2009, Scholz 2008). The emphasis on shared political commitments also enables feminists to resist oppressive conditions that manifest differently in different geographical locations but are nonetheless prevalent in many countries, such as racialized violence against women (Khader 2019, 44 48). Third, transnational feminists focus on specific globalizing processes, such as the growth of offshore manufacturing, rather than a theorized global patriarchy, and often take existing transnational feminist collectives as a model for their theoretical accounts of solidarity.

  31. Concluding Observations On the whole, globalization presents a number of challenges to feminist political philosophers who seek to develop conceptions of justice and responsibility capable of responding to the lived realities of both men and women. As globalization will most certainly continue, these challenges are likely to increase in the coming decades. As outlined above, feminist political philosophers have already made great strides towards understanding this complex phenomenon. Yet the challenge of how to make globalization fairer remains for feminist philosophers, as well as all others who strive for equality and justice.

More Related Content

giItT1WQy@!-/#giItT1WQy@!-/#giItT1WQy@!-/#giItT1WQy@!-/#